Teks ucapan sidang presidium Sahabat Rakyat sempena Majlis Ulang Tahun ke-18 - Pertubuhan Rakyat Harus Mempertahankan Kebebasan, Otonomi dan Berdampingan dengan Rakyat Selepas PRU “509” [28 Sep kemaskini: Klip video]

Teks ucapan sidang presidium Sahabat Rakyat sempena Majlis Ulang Tahun ke-18

Pertubuhan Rakyat Harus Mempertahankan Kebebasan, 

Otonomi dan Berdampingan dengan Rakyat Selepas PRU "509"

Ahli Presidium: Chan Jock Lan, Choo Shinn Chei, Nyam Kee Han

“509”后民间组织仍要坚持独立自主、与民同在

Ahli Presidium Sahabat Rakyat Chan Jock Lan membaca mesej daripada Sidang Presidium Sahabat Rakyat sebelum permulaan forum "Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa dalam PRU ke-14, Kemajuan atau kemunduran pergerakan reformasi demokratik?" sempena Ulang Tahun ke-18 Sahabat Rakyat

Sebagai sumbangan sempena ulang tahun ke-17 penubuhan Sahabat Rakyat, kami telah mengeluarkan kenyataan bertajuk "Bersatu padu, Mempertahankan Reformasi Demokratik Tulen! Buangkan Khayalan, Menghalang Pemulihan Mahathirisme!" sebagai pandangan kami terhadap perkembangan situasi politik setelah penubuhan kerajaan PH selepas PRU "509" pada bulan September tahun 2018. Selepas setahun, rakyat jelata telah membincang beramai-ramai sama ada kerajaan ditubuhkan selepas “509” itu kerajaan yang baru, ramai berasa kecewa dengan kerajaan Mahathir. Sempena ulang tahun ke-18 penubuhan Sahabat Rakyat, kami menganjurkan forum bertema “Mahathir Kembali ke Puncak Kuasa dalam PRU ke-14, Kemajuan atau Kemunduran Pergerakan Reformasi Demokratik?”. Dengan mengambil kesempatan melanjutkan topik perbincangan tersebut bersama-sama rakan seperjuangan yang prihatin terhadap pergerakan reformasi demokratik negara kita, dan kawan yang mengambil perhatian terhadap kemudaratan pemulihan Mahathirisme, kami berharap ini membantu pembentukan kuasa rakyat yang mempromosikan pergerakan reformasi demokratik yang tulen pada tahap ini.

Dalam kenyataan yang sama, kami mengulangi 4 pandangan berkenaan peranan reformasi masyarakat badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) yang diucap oleh anggota presidium Sahabat Rakyat, Nyam Kee Han, selaku Setiausaha eksekutif Sahabat Rakyat (ketika itu dengan nama Jawatankuasa FOS) dalam majlis makan malam seribu orang yang dianjurkan oleh DAP Miri untuk meraikan ulang tahun ke-30 pendaratan DAP di Sarawak pada 12 Julai 2008. Antaranya, pandangan ketiga berbunyi “sifat dan status pertubuhan masyarakat tidak akan berubah tidak kira parti politik mana yang berkuasa, pertubuhan masyarakat sentiasa bersama rakyat dan bertindak demi kepentingan rakyat”. Saya menyebutnya semula di sini kerana ia berkaitan dengan cabaran utama yang dihadapi oleh NGO semasa mempertahankan sifat kebebasan dan tidak berpartisan.

Sebelum tahun 2018, NGO sering membuat pelbagai kritikan terhadap dasar-dasar salah BN dan memperjuangkan reformasi demokratik atas pendirian rakyat. Ini kerana NGO-NGO tersebut secara sedar berpegang kepada sifat kebebasan dan tidak berpartisan, dan enggan dipikat dan direkrut oleh rejim BN. Selepas kekalahan BN dan Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa, kedudukan rakyat masih diperintah. Oleh itu, NGO perlu mengekalkan sifat kebebasan dan tidak berpartisan yang dipegang pada masa lalu dan menolak rejim baru yang mungkin memikat dan merekrut mereka. Hanya dengan cara ini, badan bukan kerajaan dapat bertindak demi kepentingan rakyat selama-lamanya dan terus berjuang untuk reformasi demokratik. Pada tahap Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa ini, kami bersedia berkongsi usaha dengan NGO yang lain untuk sama-sama mempertahankan kebebasan dan sifat bukan berpartisan NGO, dan menolak pemikatan dan rekrut daripada rejim baru.

Di samping itu, kita memberi perhatian mengenai satu lagi cabaran terhadap NGO yang mempertahankan kebebasan adalah campur tangan dari kuasa asing, terutamanya hegemoni AS, yang menyusup dan menguasai NGO di negara lain. Baru-baru ini, salah satu faktor utama kepada perubahan peristiwa anti-pindaan RUU ekstradisi Hong Kong menjadi kekacauan hari ini adalah campur tangan hegemoni AS melalui NGO dalam politik Hong Kong. Kami bersetuju dengan ulasan bahawa ini adalah versi buatan hegemoni AS seperti "revolusi warna" yang berlaku di beberapa negara CIS dan kawasan Asia Tengah pada akhir abad yang lalu, dan "Arab Spring" di beberapa negara Islam pada awal abad ini di Hong Kong. Campur tangan hegemoni AS telah mencemari istilah "NGO", sehingga “NGO” senang dihubungkait dengan kegiatan "revolusi warna". Untuk mengurangkan kesan propaganda negatif tersebut, kami bercadang untuk mengurangkan penggunaan istilah "NGO" dan menggantikannya dengan istilah "pertubuhan rakyat”.

Berdasarkan penjelasan dalam kenyataan yang berbunyi "Bersatu padu, Mempertahankan Reformasi Demokratik Tulen! Buangkan Khayalan, Menghalang Pemulihan Mahathirisme!" tersebut, kami ingin menekankan erti “pertubuhan rakyat”, iaitu pertubuhan komuniti yang ditubuhkan oleh rakyat mengikut peruntukan undang-undang negara sedia ada yang berdasarkan keperluan dan aspirasi rakyat, dan bukannya dibentuk oleh kerajaan demi memenuhi keperluan politik dan dasar kerajaan). Ia harus termasuk pelbagai jenis persatuan, dewan-dewan perniagaan, kesatuan sekerja dan pelbagai pertubuhan masyarakat yang berasaskan budaya, pendidikan, kepercayaan, agama dan lain-lain lagi. Saya telah cuba berkongsi secara mudah dua cabaran yang dihadapi oleh pertubuhan rakyat yang mempertahankan kebebasan. (1) sama ada kita mempertahankan sifat tidak berpartisan dan menolak rejim baru dari memikat dan merekrut kami selepas Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa; (2) penguasaan negara besar terutamanya hegemoni AS terhadap golongan pertubuhan rakyat di Malaysia.

Mulai tahun 2013, Sahabat Rakyat tidak menerima sebarang elaun atau subsidi luaran. Semua perbelanjaan aktiviti ditaja oleh peserta atau dermaan secara sukarela. Kami menempatkan diri sebagai pertubuhan masyarakat yang mengambil bahagian dalam usaha rakyat secara otonomi membina gerakan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di Malaysia. Kami tegas berpendirian politik bebas dan berotonomi, tidak berpartisan, berdikari dalam cara operasi, menolak sama sekali pelbagai modal asing termasuk Amerika Syarikat. Pada masa akan datang, kami terus mengamalkan  garis panduan "pertubuhan rakyat sentiasa berdampingan dengan rakyat jelata" dalam kerja kami. Saya bagi pihak Sahabat Rakyat ingin menyampaikan terima kasih kepada semua yang pernah memberi sokongan kepada kami dan berharap rakan-rakan sekalian terus menyokong Sahabat Rakyat.

Sekian, terima kasih.

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人民之友成立18周年纪念主席团献词 —— “509”后民间组织仍要坚持独立自主、与民同在 【9月28日更新：视频】

——人民之友成立18周年纪念主席团献词——

“509”后民间组织仍要坚持独立自主、与民同在

主席团：詹玉兰、朱信杰、严居汉

Pertubuhan Rakyat Harus Mempertahankan Kebebasan, Otonomi dan 

Berdampingan dengan Rakyat Selepas PRU “509”

人民之友主席团主席詹玉兰在人民之友为纪念成立18周年而举办的主题为“‘509改朝换代’马哈迪当政，民主改革运动前进抑或倒退？”论坛开始前宣读人民之友主席团献词。

去年九月，作为人民之友纪念成立17周年的一份献礼，本会发表题为《联合起来，坚持真正的民主改革！丢掉幻想，阻止马哈迪主义复辟！》的声明，针对当时“509”大选后希望联盟政府上台以后的政治局势发表一些意见。一年已经过去，人民群众对“509”是否换了政府议论纷纷，不少群众对马哈迪政府表达失望之情。今天，本会适逢成立18周年的纪念日子，举办主题为《“509改朝换代”马哈迪当政，民主改革运动前进抑或倒退？》的论坛，通过和各方关心我国民主改革运动的同道、关注马哈迪主义复辟危害性的朋友，抓住机会进一步进行更多讨论，期望有利于促成现阶段推动真正民主改革运动的民间力量。

在《联合起来，坚持真正的民主改革！丢掉幻想，阻止马哈迪主义复辟！》的声明内，我们重申严居汉时任工委会执行秘书、现任主席团主席，应邀出席民主行动党美里支部在2008年7月12日举办的庆祝民主行动党登陆砂劳越州30周年纪念的千人晚宴并发表演讲时，就非政府组织的社会改革作用表达的四点意见。其中第三点关乎现阶段非政府组织维护独立性和非党性的首要挑战，我这里再重复一遍：“非政府组织的性质和地位，不会因不同政党执政而改变或有所不同，非政府组织，永远是站在人民立场上为人民利益做事。”

2018年以前，非政府组织经常对国阵的错误政策发表种种批评，站在人民立场上争取民主改革。这是因为过去这些非政府组织有意识地坚持独立性和非党性，拒绝国阵政权的收编。在国阵败选、马哈迪当政以后，人民仍然是被统治的一方，非政府组织有必要维护过去秉持的独立性和非党性，拒绝新政权的可能收编。 只有这样，非政府组织才得以永远站在人民立场上做事，继续争取民主改革。在马哈迪当政的现阶段，我们愿意与其他非政府组织共勉，一同维护非政府组织的独立性和非党性，拒绝新政权的收编。

除此之外，我们注意到非政府组织维护独立性的另一挑战，就是来自国外大国势力特别是美国霸权对其他国家非政府组织进行渗透和支配的干预活动。近来香港反修改条例事件演变成今天的乱局，主要因素之一是美国霸权通过非政府组织形式对香港政治进行干预。我们同意说这是美国霸权从上世纪末开始在数个独联体国家和中亚地区推动的“颜色革命”、以及本世纪初一些伊斯兰国家的“阿拉伯之春”在香港的版本。美国霸权的干预活动已经污蔑了“非政府组织”一词，导致人们容易将“非政府组织”与“颜色革命”活动联系在一起。为减低这负面宣传作用，我们建议减少使用“非政府组织”一词，多以“民间组织”一词取代。

根据我们在《联合起来，坚持真正的民主改革！丢掉幻想，阻止马哈迪主义复辟！》声明的阐述，我们这里进一步确立“民间组织”的定义：由人民按照本身的需要和意愿，而不是由政府按照其政策和政治需要，根据国家现行法律的规定而组织的社会团体，它应当包括社会上现有的会馆、公会、商会、工会、行会、以及各种文化、教育、宗教等社会团体。刚才我尝试简单分享当今民间组织维护独立性而面对的两项挑战，国内的便是马哈迪当政以后，我们是否坚持非党性，拒绝新政权的收编；来自国外的则是大国特别是美国霸权对马来西亚非政府组织圈子的支配。

人民之友2013年以后没有接受任何外来津贴或资助，每次活动费用都由参与者自愿捐献或征求热心者赞助。我们定位本身是参与人民自主建设马来西亚民主人权运动的民间组织，坚持独立自主、非党性的政治立场、自立更生的运营方式、拒绝来自美国或各种国外资金。未来的日子里，我们继续秉持“民间组织与人民同在”的指导方针，继续实践在我们的工作当中。我代表人民之友感激大家一路来的支持，也盼望大家继续支持人民之友。

谢谢。

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封建与威权主义笼罩下的半调子改革：希盟执政以来错失的机遇 【9月21日 11.30晚 更新：主讲人照片； 9月28日 更新：视频】

封建与威权主义笼罩下的半调子改革:

希盟执政以来错失的机遇

作者/来源：唐南发 /<人民之友>部落格

——本文是评论人唐南发（左图）应邀在人民之友成立18周年纪念举办的“‘509’改朝换代马哈迪当政,民主改革运动前进抑或倒退?”论坛上的演讲全文。文内小标题是<人民之友>编者所加。

相比印尼前总统哈比比17个月改革

印尼前总统哈比比(BJ Habibie)刚刚去世。虽然他的任期只有短短的十七个月，即1998年5月到1999年10月，但任内排除万难推动大刀阔斧的改革，包括开放党禁报禁，削减军方在国会的势力，冒着军事政变的危险，允许东帝汶独立公投，印尼军方撤退前夕烧毁当地大量基建以示报复，Habibie的修补方式就是尽力协调联合国部队驻守和调动国际支援，稳定当地局势，也为印尼军人在过往的滥权行为，尤其是苏门答腊北部的亚齐省，向民众公开道歉。

对印尼华人而言，Habibie最重要的举措是签署总统指令，禁止使用pribumi和non pribumi的字眼，也撤销官方证明书的要求，一张身份证就足以证明印尼国籍，让印尼华人去污名化，以此促进族群关系。

哈比比的施政为往后20年印尼的民主转型确立了稳健的框架，使这个族群和文化复杂的大国可以成为东南亚的民主典范。

希盟执政17个月没有大刀阔斧改革

相比之下，希盟从2019年5月执政至今也将近十七个月，反而没有大刀阔斧的改革。最荒谬的是从政府要员到评论界都有人不断炒作“过激的改革会引起保守势力反扑，因此必须以大局为重”等等似是而非的言论。

我们看回印尼1990年代末的情况：经济危机，军方势力伺机而动，各个伊斯兰宗教力量互相较量，不少省份都发生族群冲突，更面对亚齐和巴布亚等省份的分裂主义，却无阻当时的哈比比总统推进改革议程，因为他知道那是一个历史契机，错过了或许不会再有。

坦白说：今天马来西亚的情况能比当年的印尼糟糕吗 ? 我们本来就有相对开放和健全的政治与司法体制，军队也一贯地专业与中立；我国军人最接近夺权的契机是1969年513事件之后，有三个军人代表进入拉萨政府成立的国家行动理事会，但1974年恢复选举之后，军人就完全退出政治舞台至今。说可能发生军事政变是对马来西亚军人的侮辱。

希盟一再延宕改革是背叛选民委托

因此，509以后的希盟一再以“大局”作为借口，延宕改革，是背叛选民的委托。

例如在莱纳斯的事件上，马哈迪一再强调马来西亚需要外资，基本上已经为稀土厂未来的运作定下基调。此外，不注重民生，反而致力推动第三国产车和飞行车计划，彻底说明当初马哈迪并非如希盟政治人物说的已经“洗心革面”，而是依然故我，即使劳民伤财也在所不惜。

马哈迪虽然“王者归来”，其经济政策非但没有一个明确的方向，在一些所谓的策略项目方面反而看到朋党一起回归。例如和中国的东铁谈判由前财长达因负责，他甚至公然鼓励本地承包商去找他谈，因为他可以确认对方是否符合资格。这种不透明的运作方式其实和前朝没有分别。

马哈迪延续旧有的作风，让人震惊

纳吉时代的一马公司(1MDB)确实是个金融大窟窿，足以证明政商分家，金融改革刻不容缓。让人震惊的是马哈迪延续旧有的作风，出任国库控股(Khazanah Nasional Berhad) 主席，还委任阿兹敏出任副主席，而非委任专业人士全权负责。过去几个月，马哈迪主导国库控股的运作，不断出售产业，但过程缺乏透明度，也让人想起1998年经济风暴之时，当时的马哈迪迫使国库控股收购亏损的巫统朋党公司，即哈林拥有的玲珑和达祖丁蓝利拥有的马航，TRI以及天地通(Celcom)等行为。

所谓体制改革也并未达标。例如反贪委员会主席仍然由首相委任，而非向国会负责；国会下议院议长也不像英国或澳洲下议院议长那样，由议员提名再经过秘密投票产生，而是首相提名，再象征式地由下议院投票通过。我们都知道当初以“救国英雄”姿态重回首相宝座的马哈迪不但成功洗底，还因此拯救了大批人的政治事业，他举荐的人，希盟有谁敢否决呢?

有心改革，应该从一执政开始就由国会遴选，而非一再制造特例。

马哈迪并不正视民生困苦的事实

执政至今，马哈迪领导的政府并未推出实际惠民的政策，例如在住房和公交政策方面乏善可陈；如今物价持续高涨，民间怨气四起，某个程度上是造成巫统和伊斯兰党越发受马来基层接受的主因，而非希盟一再炒作的，仅仅是民族或宗教因素。

可惜马哈迪并不正视民生困苦的事实，拒绝大幅度调整基本薪资甚至落实足够生活薪资(living wage)，反而老调重弹必须以提升劳动力为前提，继续以“马来人懒惰”等言论来回避本地工人薪资太低的窘境。

最近联合国专员的实地调查报告显示马来西亚贫穷户应该介于人口的16%到20%之间，而非前朝所说的0.4%，希盟政府却不肯正视，马哈迪还讽刺外国专员的调查不能作准，其实我们不必去到原住民或东马山区，到西马半岛城市一些中下阶层居住的组屋区看看，就能看到赤贫户，不少还是在光鲜亮丽的办公大楼或高级公寓附近。

贫穷是不分肤色的，号称进步的希盟政府与其去刻意推动一些会引起族群纠纷的议程，还不如把心思花在改善民生，更不应该在民间纷扰之时以“大局”为理由，推迟改革日程。否则在明眼人看来就是为了保障政权的自私考量，而非以民为重。

509后马哈迪的威权主义阴魂不散

最后是阴魂不散的威权主义。很多人以为509以后，马来西亚人的思维已经进步了，其实没有。今天我们看到的希盟政府，基本上是马哈迪一人独大；他一再针对马来人/华人/性别弱势群体发表歧视性的言论，从政府到民间，没有多少反驳或批判的声音。

例如他一再重复董总种族主义，不但吓坏了华教人士，就连评论圈子也没几个人敢出来替董总主持公道。我们明白董总在过去20年，无论在行动或论述上都出现保守化的现象，确实应该被批判，但这不意味着我们为了“大局”，或出于对马哈迪的“感恩”，可以任由一个国家的掌权者任意发表不负责任的言论。

事实上，所谓的“改朝换代”只不过换掉了一个惹得天怒人怨的纳吉政府，替代上台的是无论思维或政策上都不比前朝进步的马哈迪政府。当马哈迪一再把“变天”的功劳归给自己，就充分说明他已经成功收编了当年烈火莫熄的成果；当媒体和民间因为他生日而讴歌赞美的时候，也彻底证明了封建与威权主义在“新马来西亚”生生不息。

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Mahathir Returns to Power – Does it Matter? [Updated picture on 21 Sep 11:30pm; Video clip on 28 Sep]

Mahathir Returns to Power 
– Does it Matter?

Author/Source: Siti Kasim / Sahabat Rakyat Blog

This article is full text written by Siti Kasim, Human rights lawyer, specially for the forum in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat entitled "Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?" at Cathay Restaurant, Kulai on 21 September 2019.

I am anti regression, anti racism and pro progression. Always for progressive policies and acts. 

GE14 resulted in the throwing out of the old kleptocratic, racist, divide and rule regime that has been in power for 60 years to be replaced hopefully by a more democratic, much more multi racial governing coalition. Is that not a progressive change? In my opinion it is.

Are having Mahathir, PPBM and AMANAH, two racially and religiously exclusive coalition partners; mean the change is regression of our reform movement?  No, it does not.

Progress comes in either incremental or step change. But it is progress, nonetheless. The American Revolution in 1775 gave Americans a nation of their own, so did Merdeka.  Still, it did not free slaves or gave women the right to vote.  The American civil war of 1861, almost a hundred years later, gave blacks their freedom but it still did not give them equality.  It took the civil rights act of 1964 to give them that equality. Women’s right to vote came only via the 19th constitutional amendment of 1920.

So, as you can see, progress is a continuous process.  History has also shown that democratic progresses are not led by politicians. Slavery proponents came from the abolitionist movement, women vote from the women's suffrage movement and black equality via the civil rights movement. No politicians started out in the forefront of these movements all throughout history.

As I said in my recent article, politicians cater to the lowest common denominator.  If we leave it to politician to set the agenda of reform, we will be waiting-for-Godot forever. Reform will not come from Mahathir or any other politician. Reform will have to come from us, the progressive citizens of this Nation in an organized fashion, putting pressure and demanding change and making our presence always felt including at elections.

Take the current KHAT issue. Do you know, that Islamic and related classes for years 4, 5 and 6 totals approximately 128 hours versus science at 64 hours?  So, instead of revamping our education system that is Islamic-centric to one that is science-centric so that we have a progressive education, the Minister of Education add further Islamic related content into the curriculum.

We can say "this is Mahathirism" or we can say this is expected political gamesmanship of playing to the base in.  If there are no concerted pushback amongst progressive thinking citizenry, slowly but surely regressive forces will take over the agenda of change and move the country backward as has been the case the last 30 years, at least.

In fact, the Khat  issue proves that pushback works. Uncomfortable as it may sound, unpleasant as it maybe it had to be done. The pushback had the impact of stopping the khat implementation in its track. The pushbacks were successful. MoE had to backtrack. I can assure you, as with all half-assed initiative that it has now been revealed to be, this Khat becoming voluntary is now dead.  If it is not yet dead, we just keep vigilant and flog it to death whenever we see it rear it head up again.

In fact, I pretty much do not subscribe to the existence of "Mahathirism". To me politics when it is focused on one person being the master manipulator for their own perverse agenda, is just "despotism" that’s all.  This did not start with Mahathir and it will not stop after Mahathir. We've had despotism before we voted the current coalition to power.  It just came in a different format.

The work of perfecting this federation that we call Malaysia is a continuous one.

So, with respect to the topic of this forum, my thesis is that democratic reform will always progress as long as progressive citizens continue to organize and engage in the political and governing process of this country. The more relevant question is how should such a process of keeping progress in reforming the Nation can be most effectively exercised?

Whilst I think political governance and legislation is the endgame in any reformation, it does not constitute the whole process. It is just one of the ways reform is achieved. But getting there, making sure the right candidate with the right agenda is elected and continuing engagement with elected representatives and government bureaucracy forms the whole spectrum of citizen reform movement.

May 9th has conclusively showed us that progressives, liberals and moderates can make big political change – if we work together. Make no mistake, GE14 was turned by almost 100% non-Malay and liberal Malay votes not just in Peninsula but also importantly Sabah and Sarawak. It was an election won by liberals. And this points us the way.

I believe this is the way to think. Mahathir or any other politician is not the concern per se. Reformation and progressive movement must continue to organize and work tirelessly whomever would be in power. That, ladies and gentlemen, is my thesis.

I believe the country is ready for a formal institutionalized nonpolitical citizen movement. And because of that myself and like minded friends has formed the Malaysian Justice for Action and Unity, MAJU, to be an all encompassing platform to unite progressive citizens of all races and religious background, network and organize on causes that will bring us towards this aim of reforms based on liberal, moderate and progressive values. We have a bold agenda at MAJU. We will be deliberate and strategic.

We are not just any other NGO working on a narrow cause. Our activities are a means to and end. We want to change the social, economic, education and political discourse and build the roadmap and the endgame of this Nation. The endgame being a progressive, liberal, moderate and scientifically educated modern Malaysia. And we think we know how to achieve that. In order to do do that, we need real Malaysian citizens to back us up. To stand together with us as Supporters. No longer faceless and anonymous but proud to embrace being liberals, moderates and progressives, and just Malaysians. We want Supporters to stand by the courage of their conviction and put their name and money where their mouths are.

I would like to end by urging everyone to join MAJU as Supporters and work hard at getting others to join as Supporters. Time to organize and stand together in an uncompromising voice and demand a progressive Nation. We will MAJU together for Malaysia.

Thank You.

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民主运动是制衡马哈迪的最佳途径 【9月21日 11.30晚 更新：主讲人照片; 9月28日 更新：视频】

民主运动是制衡马哈迪的最佳途径

作者/来源：蓝志锋/<人民之友>部落格

——本文是媒体人蓝志锋（左图）应邀在人民之友成立18周年纪念举办的“‘509’改朝换代马哈迪当政,民主改革运动前进抑或倒退?”论坛上的演讲全文。文内小标题也是作者本身所拟。

前言：

去年5月的第14届全国大选前两年，在野阵线的民联/希盟游说当时不满时任首相纳吉的前首相马哈迪，出来领导反对阵线。他最终答应，却也要花更长时间和精力，说服民众支持他重出江湖。

公民社会及曾在马哈迪1.0执政期间吃过苦头的人民，未能马上接受马哈迪作为反对党领导人，内心矛盾，纠结在支持“独裁者”和“改朝换代”之间，何者比较重要？

这边厢，期盼在野阵线和所有反对力量团结一致，时局已经为变天打开最佳的历史窗口，马哈迪的加入和领导，纾缓马来和乡区选民的不安，提供希盟最缺乏的马来领导（Malay leadership），当时安华还在牢内。

另边厢，马哈迪的出现，也令人担心他过去的独霸性格，卷入各种滥权和贪腐指控，缺乏道德基础领导民众，怎能以改革者姿态，说服选民支持在野阵线？

尽管民间有一股质疑声浪，在“主要矛盾和次要矛盾”区分下，安华与马哈迪和解，行动党则开足马力全面宣传，让马哈迪得以重建领导威望与正当性。

火箭挺马论调环绕在三个重点，即马哈迪已经改过自新（应给机会）；希盟有制衡能力（四党平起平坐）；以及变天的千载难逢好时机（“骑马杀鸡”，错过后纳吉会更强）。

虽然党内外有一些杂音，大敌当前，彼此放下歧见，甚至使用共同的蓝眼标志参选，展现改朝换代的决心。

大选成绩证明，马哈迪领导有功，关键时刻领导在野阵线，完成马来西亚史上第一次政党轮替，意义重大，各族人民追求共同目标，让希盟以简单多数席位（113席）拿下布城，终结国阵61年政权。后来沙巴民兴党8议员和3名独立议员加盟，希盟人数增至124人，尔后又陆续有巫统议员跳槽。

马哈迪先制造悲情

自从2015年一马发展公司丑闻爆发后，拿着巫统党员证的马哈迪已高调表达不满，公开向纳吉逼宫穷追猛打，却没换来纳吉的重视，反而冷嘲热讽，无法动摇纳吉在巫统和政府的地位。

两人之争白热化，导致马哈迪的儿子慕克里兹遭吉打巫统逼宫，最终失去多数州议员的支持，于2016年2月3日辞去吉打大臣职。

不到一个月（29日），马哈迪和夫人西蒂哈斯玛宣布双双退出巫统，这并非他首次使出退党招。他曾在阿都拉掌权期间，不满后者的女婿凯里为首的年轻精英“影响”阿都拉施政，调侃他们为“四楼的孩子”（首相办公室在布城首相署四楼），退党抗议。

尔后于2009年，纳吉取代阿都拉成为首相后，在纳吉的邀请下，以胜利者姿态重返巫统。岂料7年后，他又因不满纳吉，再次退党，从此告别他一手成立的新巫统。他选择自立门户，成立土著团结党与巫统抗衡，这些都是后话了。

马哈迪失去巫统平台后，随之失去政治资源。政府于2016年3月革除他担任的国有公司顾问职位，原因是他与在野党领袖、非政府组织和反纳吉的国阵元老联手发动“拯救马来西亚”运动和《公民宣言》，炮轰和要求纳吉下台，准备推翻国阵政府。内阁基于马哈迪的动作违反法律和《联邦宪法》，决定终止他的国油顾问职。

同年3月杪，马哈迪一口气宣布，辞去包括宝腾公司主席职在内的5个政府官联公司和政府机构的职位（莲花汽车主席、国油大学荣誉校长，以及浮罗交怡发展机构（LADA）和刁曼岛发展机构（TIDA）顾问）。这是他与纳吉政府切割的做法，与国阵划清界限。

509大选前，马哈迪结合所有反对党（除了与巫统眉来眼去的伊党）和公民运动力量，打造史上最强在野党阵线，迎头痛击巫统/国阵。

马哈迪以弱者姿态出现，宣称遭纳吉打压，加剧人民对他老人家的同情，巩固民众心中被欺压的形象。同时，他也使用社运平台和人脉，接触更多民众，如2015年8月出席净选盟4.0集会，所到之处受民众热烈欢迎。

可以这么说，希盟能够赢得政权，纳吉政权腐败，以及马哈迪与希盟结盟的策略奏效之外，公民社会和民间力量在关键时刻，全力支持希盟，是促成政党轮替的原因之一。

进步的公民组织陷入真空地步？

马哈迪2.0掌权初期的表现和人事任命，确实让人眼前一亮，委任过去活跃在非政府组织的领袖进入体制内，推动改革，这是颠覆传统政治委任的做法，让社运领袖有机会一展抱负。

著名律师汤米汤姆斯受委会总检察长、大马选举委员会主席和副主席由人权律师阿兹哈论及马大法律系讲师阿兹米沙隆担任、两名捍卫自由律师团（LFL）执行董事，拉蒂花（Latheefa Koya）分别受委为大马反贪污委员会（MACC）主席和艾力保森（Eric Paulsen）成为东盟跨政府人权委员会（AICHR）的大马代表。

此外，前净选盟主席安美嘉则担任5人小组的体制改革委员会成员，代表进步中庸的马来知识份子和前政府高管G25发言人诺法丽达（Noor Farida）成为大马人力资源发展基金（HRDF）主席。

他们进入体制后，这些代表进步和监督政府的区域出现空缺，监督政府的工作突然留白。体制外的监督和制衡力量瞬间被削弱。希盟部长们对政务和公共服务领域还摸不透时，重大决策回到马哈迪身上。

各别部门属下的法定机构主席和关键的人事委任，首相办公室经常下指导棋，甚至连部长身边可以和应该聘请助理的人数，首相办公室的看法也成了重要指标。

虽然马哈迪领导的土团党只是希盟的老三，面对陌生的全新部长团队，22年丰富富执政经验的他继续成为强悍领袖。尽管需要进行更多沟通，关键时刻，他的意志依然主导政府走向。

印度籍传教士扎基尔是否应该遣返、莱纳斯稀土厂继续运作、推动第三国产车计划、大学预科班名额增加、主办土著经济大会等，这些都有马哈迪介入和主导的痕迹。种种迹象显示，马哈迪依然在重大事件上，跟着自己的意思走。

希盟四党对马哈迪的依赖度相当高，经常把一些争议性决策，交给他处理，权力在无形中扩大，不仅在希盟，就连公共服务领域内，彷佛又回到马哈迪1.0的独霸情况。

正因如此，民众开始担心“马哈迪主义复辟”，回到昔日的朋党、集权、马来人至上，政客操弄种族宗教议题，我们又走回老路。

公民组织和民运如何制衡希盟

希盟执政后，理性的监督与制衡声音突然变弱。过去一年，在野党忙着解决内部问题和重夺政权，监督制衡工作不是首选，也不屑认真发挥反对党功能。

两大主要反对党，巫统和伊党忙着“结婚”，焦点精力都放在马来/穆斯林议题上，马华和民政党则打游击战，零散式监督政府，缺乏宏观战略。东马砂拉越政治联盟忙着治理砂州，联邦政治不是重点。

此时，公民组织和民主运动成为关键的制衡力量。变天后，相对开放的环境，让公民社会有了滋养和更好发展的土壤，打开一个新局面。

过去进步的公民组织，如净选盟、捍卫自由律师团、大马伊斯兰友好协会（IKRAM）成了希盟的伙伴，协助政府改革体制，监督与制衡的火力明显下降。

公民社会和公共意见领袖，对希盟相对宽容，认为积累61年的老问题和歪风，难以朝夕间消除，希盟有了时间优势。

目前的进步监督力量和民主运动，似乎还沉浸在改朝换代的欢乐氛围中，忽略可能复辟的“马哈迪主义”。

强化力量的两件事

此时的公民组织和民主运动，应尽速完成两件事。首先，重返组织和运动的核心理念，强化非政府元素，与马哈迪和希盟保持距离。至于已经在体制内的前社运领袖，应该在没有压力下扮演冲撞体制角色。

第二件，栽培更多新血和接班人。一些领袖吸纳进体制后，组织内出现领导断层窘境，组织应该培训更多新人，需要更多磨练，才能强大的内心。

此外，监督制衡工作，应该打散至不同领域，由熟悉各领域人士领导，增加动员和说服力，如反莱纳斯的环保议题（拯救大马）和爪夷文事件（董总）等。

民间社会应针对关乎本身权益的课题，组成监督团体，结合力量表达不满，如“废死”课题和英文教数理等议题。

在去组织化时代下，有时团体组织无法号召群众。反而一些有人气，在各自领域独当一面的人物（NGI，非政府人物）更能让执政者产生心理压力。这些网红级的意见领袖，已有一群追随者，可转换成舆论压力。

这些人士计有，人权律师西蒂卡欣（Siti Kasim）、玻璃市宗教司阿斯里（Asri Zainul Abidin），以及某些社交媒体帐号拥有超过百万粉丝的传教士。

提防保守右翼力量组织的崛起

我们应该关注一个吊诡现象。原本的监督力量成为政府伙伴后，这个空缺由另一股相对保守，甚至排他的势力取代。这个趋势发展有点始料不及。

过去一年，这股力量结合科技通讯便利，在不受约束的网上，发表各种言论，表面上是监督政府，实为鼓吹保守思维，煽动族群情绪。这可从反对签署《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》（ICERD）和《罗马规约》、爪夷文书法事件、以及先买穆斯林产品等事件中发现。

无独有偶，这些组织团体都以马来人和穆斯林为奋斗目标，比如大马穆斯林连线（ISMA）、大马伊斯兰消费人协会（PPIM）、大马伊斯兰福利机构（PERKID）、半岛马来学生会联盟（GPMS）和泛马伊斯兰大专生联盟（GAMIS）等。还有其他临时成立的组织。

总结

94高龄的马哈迪依然扮演重要角色，希盟的制衡力量固然比国阵强，但并没我们想象般的理想。在野党则各怀鬼胎，还未习惯反对党角色。

公民社会和民主力量成为最重要的监督制衡力量，特别是提倡自由民主的希盟，更能包容反对声音。关键是，公民社会和组织，做好再次监督政府的功能吗？

同时，也要慎防，保守和极端组织躲在言论自由的旗帜下，以监督制衡政府为名，发表似是而非的极端排他性言论。

进步的公民社会和组织，除了善用当下开放和自由的空间，监督制衡马哈迪之外，也要与另一股获得政党支援的保守组织，争夺舆论权，重新掌握监督的话语权。

一旦拱手让出，我们期待的理性问政和制衡将变调，大马或陷入另一轮的争议泥沼。

——全文完——

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PH & Tun Mahathir's UMNO era divisive racial policies & politics in ‘preserving’ B75 Indian poor in Malay-sia Baru [Updated picture on 21 Sep 11:30pm; Video clip on 28 Sep]

PH & Tun Mahathir's UMNO era divisive racial policies & politics in ‘preserving’ B75 Indian poor in Malay-sia Baru

Author/Source: P. Uthayakumar / Sahabat Rakyat Blog

This article is the full text written by P. Uthayakumar specially for the forum in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat entitled “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” held at Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor on 21 September 2019.

Introduction

It is 470 days today of Tun Mahathir’s  Pakatan Harapan(PH) government. It appeared magical and a dream come true for especially the B75 Indian poor when real multi-racialism took centre stage and the end of the UMNO era divisive racist and supremacist policies and politics. The euphoria was further escalated when unprecedentedly the Attorney General, four(4) Ministers and the Deputy Rural and Regional Development Deputy Minister were Indians, Lim Guan Eng and Gobind Singh were  made Finance and Multimedia (Information) Ministers respectively, Liew Chin Tiong the Deputy Defence Minister and Richard Malanjum the Chief Justice. Further Jakim was to be reviewed, three most powerful UMNO leaders (and the then Attorney General) were barred from leaving the country and later prosecuted,UMNO Accounts frozen and the all powerful UMNO crushing and falling before our very eyes etc.  

What more Pakatan Harapan (PH) also winning up to 95% of the Indian votes on the promises made in the 25 point Pakatan Harapan (Indian) GE 14 Elections Manifesto which promises to solve almost the A to Z of the B75 Indian poor problems. But fast forward 470 days today, it appears that in Pakatan Harapan and Tun Mahathir’s UMNO era divisive racist and supremacist policies and politics especially in ‘preserving’ the B75 Indian poor in Malay-sia Baru to be yet again left behind from Malay-sia Baru’s National Mainstream Development … appears to reigning supreme all over again in contravention of especially Article 8 of the Federal Constitution which guarantees equality before the law and the very core of the Pakatan Harapan 25 Point (Indian) Manifesto itself. 

Our Case in these 470 days but to no avail :-

1. (More for record purposes) vide our letter dated 14/5/18 we had written to Tun Mahathir titled “Humble proposal for post of D.G. Implementation & Coordinating Unit (ICU), PM’s Dept in particular to implement Pakatan Harapans’ Indian manifesto for Hindraf De Facto Leader and senior lawyer Mr.P.Uthayakumar”.
2. Vide our letter dated 25/5/2018 and 23/7/18 to Tun Mahathir titled “Permohonan pendaftaran Hindraf 2.0” and  “Rayuan – Penolakan pendaftaran Hindraf 2.0 oleh Pendaftar Pertubuhan; tidak mematuhi Perlembagaan Persekutuan(Freedom of Association) Akta Pertubuhan, “Rule of Law”, Manifesto Pakatan Rakyat & Malaysia Baru”.
3. Within three(3) weeks of PH taking power, vide our 13 page researched Memorandum to Tun Mahathir dated 28/5/2018 we had proposed amongst others the creation of 100,000 business and self employment opportunities per year for the B75 Indian poor especially so in undoing the injustices caused by the UMNO era divisive racist policies and politics.
4. Vide our letter dated 18/6/2018 we had written to Tun Mahathir and Mrs. Anwar Ibrahim,DPM cum Welfare Minister titled “Homeless Partially Blind Indian Lady (also 3 of her 5 children), husband broke both legs in accident & still hospitalized : Permanent Solutions for B75 Indian poor?:Tip of Iceberg!”.
5. Vide our letter dated 10/7/2018 to Prime Minister and Federal Territories Minister Khalid Samad titled “SOS: Rayuan supaya Store Peniaga Kecil Barangan Lusoh India tidak dirobohkan … dalam memenuhi Manifesto No18 Kerajaan PH… Beli dari B75 India miskin @ B75 membeli Mee Maggi. (3) Cadangan “legalise” Perniagaan Besi Lusoh”. However four Indian Recycling Outlets in Setapak were demolished on 21/2/2019.
6. In not wanting to give a walk over in the backdrop of PH still flying high, we cautiously marked the 100th day of PH in power with a small Public Forum in Brickfeilds outlining our 4 page researched Memorandum to Tun Mahathir dated 17/8/2018 amongst others calling for the delivery of the 25 point PH Indian Manifesto wherein they had acknowledged in particular in the preamble thereto “Sebagai rakyat yang mempunyai hak yang sama dengan semua warganegara lain, sudah tiba masanya untuk semua bentuk diskriminasi yang  menzalimi warga India dihapuskan … Pengagihan kekayaan negara mestilah dilakukan secara adil dan penindasan ekonomi terhadap warga India dihentikan serta-merta…” Wow!
7. On 9/4/2019 the Putrajaya Federal Court Panel led by Tan Sri Azhar Mohamad dismissed a Public Interest case for justice  by lawyer P.Uthayakumar where OKU Muneswaran who from birth is blind in one eye, the other eye partially blind and of low intelligence was beaten by a group of 12 policemen at his low cost flat, also involving an A.C.P up until he vomited blood.
8. On the 1st year anniversary of PH rule, at a small outdoor Rally in Brickfeilds on 12/5/2019 (also attended by Sahabat Rakyat) we were about the first to albeit politely rebuke Tun Mahathir publicly vide our 21 page researched Memorandum dated 8/5/2019 and titled “1 year Pakatan Harapan Govt @ Indian Manifesto Report Card. End 62 years racist & supremacist policies & politics victimizing B75 Indian poor: 1% delivery for B75 (Indian poor) & 50.1% Rating : HINDRAF 2.0”.
   (Note: It was only after this 1 year critical mass timeline that the B75 Indian poor and others started openly and publicly appearing to rebuke the Pakatan Harapan administration)
9. Vide our Statement copied to Tun Mahathir titled “Harapans’ Indian poor non delivery reverberates in Kedah “Barisan lost, Harapan won but did the B75 Indian poor win? … “End Umno era divisive racist policies and politics!”  @ Lunas, Padang Serai forum on 23/6/19.
10. On 26/7/2019 Legal Aid Lawyer K.Arivom Namasivayam was prosecuted by Negeri Sembilan State Prosecution Director DPP Wan Shaharuddin bin Wan Ladin for merely discharging his duties in defending a domestic violence victim who had lodged 16 police reports against her estranged husband. This is despite Arivom’s Lawyer P.Uthayakumar’s letter of representation dated 21/7/2019. 
11. On 15/8/2019 P.Uthayakumar’s Public Interest Appeal was dismissed by the Putrajaya Court of Appeal for the Pengarah Penjara Kajang to be cited for Contempt of Court for failing to abide by the Kuala Lumpur High Court Orders to imprison him at Kajang Prison separately from common criminals like where the Malay and Chinese Political Prisoners were imprisoned and to be sent for Medical treatment to HUKM.
12. Vide our letter dated 17/9/2019  to Tun Dr.Mahathir and the IGP titled “On Malaysia Day, 2 Malaysian Indians & 1 British P.R. family mere suspects shot dead by police, ‘enforced disappearance’ of wife. SOS: Stop police “shoot to kill policy” & “enforced disappearance” under Pakatan Harapans’ New Malaysia, forthwith implement IPCMC, guns & bullets Audit, & Urgent Appointment with IGP.
13. Summary of  PH top 15 non delivery of even of the very basic necessities food, shelter and education for the B75 Indian Poor is as per Annexture 1 enclosed herewith.

(Note: Dr.Mahathir and PH did not even reply to our aforesaid letters)

Conclusion

As it stands today, the 470th day, even the PH top leaders like Lim Kit Siang and Rais Hussin have conceded that if the General Elections were to be held today PH would lose, largely because of their non fulfillment of the GE 14 Election promises. It is  disappointing to note that Tun Mahathir appears to be going back to his good old ways  … started playing up the UMNO era divisive racist and supremacist policies and politics including denial of Matriculation and critical courses seats for the B75 Indian poor, Zakir Naik, Khat(Jawi), Zamri Vinod, PHs’ late reaction to non muslim food products  boycott, Indira Ghandi’s unlawfully converted daughter   still "not recovered” even by IGP Hamid Bador, Sedition Act,POCA,POTA, the death sentence and other repressive laws not repealed,ICERD not ratified, the attempted demolishment and/or denial of land to the Seafeilds Temple and thousands of other Hindu temples, cemeteries, Tamil schools, Indian Felda and Felcra schemes, cow farms, besi buruk and car wash outlets etc.

So what is to be the solution? … A Third Force perhaps … ? 

P.Uthayakumar,

De Facto Leader, Hindraf 2.0

Annexture 1*

1. The 100 days promise to some 350,000(4) B75 Indian poor is yet to be delivered by failing to fulfill even PH Promise No.1 by still denying them their Constitutional Birth Certificates and Citizenship @ innate Birth Rights which could be resolved merely by the stroke of the pen by the Prime Minister and/or Home Minister’s Directive to the Director General of the National Registration Department.
   (We have recorded only the seasonal mere 200 citizenships announced by the Home Minister during Deepavali 2018 @ 0.05% delivery. To quote Social Activist Dr.Kua Kia Soong “at this rate we will be witnessing such yearly Deepavali “gifts” for the next 1,500 years!(5). Maybe marking PHs’ 1st anniversary(5A) a further 1,641(0.46%) citizenships were dished out). 
2. Vide PHs’ Promise No 10, RM1,500.00 minimum wage also within 100 days is not fulfilled. 
3. Vide Promise No 2 PH promised to provide affordable Housing especially for the estate workers and the B40 (B75 for Indian poor). To the direct contrary we have recorded at PHs’ 1st anniversary an accumulated 45,403 (10) cases of homeless, landless and the homes of the B75 Indian poor being demolished arising largely from the unfulfilled Tun Razak Estate Workers Housing Scheme 1973 Policy.
   (Note: The Malays, Orang Asli, Kadazan, Iban etc. have tens of thousands of villages, farms  and land banks nationwide (also foreign workers in their respective countries), even the poor Chinese have 630 Chinese New Villages. To the contrary the B75 Indian poor have almost Zero villages, farms and land banks as their social safety net(11). In an emergency or in the event of a misfortune, they have Zero Social Safety Net to the extent that their option may be to commit suicide (12).
4. Vide PH promise No 4, full financial aided status for all 525 Tamil schools with same infrastructure standards as that of  National schools within their first term (Parliamentary Term) is a non starter. We have however recorded 191(13) instances of Tamil Schools being denied even the very basics for example tables and chairs, children using tar roads as playing fields, ammonia fumes and ash from factory and crematorium, denied kindergartens, annex buildings, toilets in deplorable state, access roads etc.
   (Note: Critical situations in Tamil schools ranging from being under high tension TNB electric cables, 90 year old wooden and on the verge of collapsing, termite infested, catching fire, cramped up by almost 100%, Serendah Tamil School yet to be built even after one by-election, two General Elections and two “pecah tanah”, public protests etc, construction of 37 Tamil schools not completed even up to 8 years now, Tamil School even in the Education Minister’s Constituency denied 150 meters access road and therefore cannot be opened, operating from Construction Cabins, low enrolment schools refused to be relocated to largely Indian populated areas). 
5. Vide PH Promise No. 15 and 18, small Indian businesses would be given micro credit, financial assistance, licenses and business permits will be made easy especially for the Indian Recycling outlets.
   (Note: Why not licenses and micro credit facilities be given to even operate Burger, Mobile Stalls and Food Trucks in Chinese Housing areas let alone denying tens of thousands of petty trading licenses etc. We have recorded seven elderly Indian traders in Brickfields having operated for 40 years who were given Notice to evict (72). An Indian Sugarcane water and food stall was similarly demolished in Setapak (73) and another Indian Recycling Outlet in Puchong demolished (74).
6. Vide Promise No. 17 PH will grant FELDA and FELCRA like land settlement schemes with financial assistance. However we have recorded Zero to date. PH could have Compulsorily Acquired further to Section 76 (aa) (ii) and Section 116(1)(d)(4) of the National Land Code read together with the Land Acquisition Act 1965 and the Local Government Act of for example Sime Darby Plantation lands for this purpose. PH choose to watch silently as bulldozers literally bulldozed 111 traditional Indian vegetable farms in Cameron Highlands (75).
7. Although qualified, only an estimated 2% of Public Universities’ intake are allowed for Malaysian Indians and most B75 cannot afford Private Universities especially in the critical courses like Medicine, Dentistry, Engineering, Pharmacy, Accountancy, Architecture  and other Professional courses.
8. For the year 2018 a total of 2,200 Matriculation places were granted by the previous BN government for high achieving Indian SPM students also after Hindrafs’ public protests since 2010. But the PH Education Minister Maszlee Malek announced that the said 2,200 places was a one off grant. The next day PH must have directed their powerless and showpiece Indian Senior most Minister to do a la MIC Tamil Dailies headlines propaganda that the said 2,200 places is retained but which was never mentioned in the said Education Minister’s Media Statement released on the very same day! (76).
9. PH has also still refused to recognize the long outstanding. Thousands of B75 Indian poor Medical Graduates from affordable overseas Medical Universities.
10. Vide Promise No. 6 and 7,  PH promised places in Fully Residential schools, MRSM and Regular Residential Secondary Schools (and Giat Mara Colleges?) for the B 75. We have recorded the announcement of 377 out of 7,760 places (78) or 4.85% in Form One at MRSM for the year 2019 intake. In confirming the authenticity of even the said 377 places the Rural and Regional Development Ministry has not published a list of the names and Identity Card numbers of the said students. In giving proper effect, provisions for Indian food, Hindu Counselor Teachers and weekly Hindu Temple visits is not made.
11. Vide Promise No. 19, PH promised to provide sufficient places for Hindu Temples and Hindu Cemeteries. However not only were the existing Hindu temples not granted land, gazette and granted Land Titles accordingly but many were demolished. The Seafeilds Hindu Temple demolishment saga sent a dangerous signal when at least 12 people were injured and 23 of the intruder’s cars unprecedentedly burnt by angry Hindus. Disregarding “Dr. M: Riots should be a wake up call” (79), PH government further demolished the Relau Hindu Temple in Penang (80).
    (Note : In the aftermath of the 25th November 2007 Hindraf Rally, the UMNO government made a Ministerial Statement in Parliament that no Hindu temples would be demolished in Kuala Lumpur which was honored as at the 2018 General Elections. To the contrary PH demolished the Kampong Limau PPR Hindu temple (81), and the Jinjang Utara Hindu Temple in April 2019. The PPR Kg Baru Air Panas Hindu Temple was slated for demolished also on the 17th of April 2019 but was deferred when Hindraf 2.0 launched a Social Media campaign against the same. We have henceforth recorded three Hindu temple demolishments by the PH government. 152 hindu temples in need of the PH State government land (potential Seafeilds Temple time bombs?) including the 120 year old Tepi Sungai, Klang Mariaman Hindu Temple (82). The Prime Minister as Chairman of the National Physical Planning Council by the stroke of the pen can direct that all houses of worship (and cemeteries), no matter how small it is to be incorporated and recognized on the Masterplan of any land(83), and thereafter gazetted and issued Land Titles accordingly.
    We have also recorded thirteen(13) Hindu cemeteries and last rites ceremony Halls similarly denied Land Titles with one Hindu Cemetery actually going missing in thin air(84).
12. Vide Promise No. 11, PH promised to direct GLCs’, Federal Government Agencies and Local Authorities to target 10% of the workforce for the B75 Indian poor. To date we have actually recorded ZERO. 
13. Vide Promise No. 22,  PH promised to address (B75) Indian poverty “unlike the UMNO government”. Our monitoring however reveals widespread chronic poverty :- “If lucky we get rice porridge, if not rice in water” for single mother and 3 children (85), Son, daughter and daughter in law all passed away leaving eight grand children aged 7, 9, 10… with grandmother (60) and are given a mere RM200.00 by the Welfare Department! (86), students going hungry to school (87), Single Mother with two young children denied Welfare help at all (88) Homeless family living at bus stop with 3 year old baby (89), No mattress and forced to sleep on cement as her husband is in jail for mother(62) with 3 young children who is also a stroke patient(90), Broke hand and leg in accident, single mother with 7 children struggles (91), Three children 11,14 and 15 cannot even afford to go to school (92).
    (Note: This widespread B75 chronic poverty also contributes to increase in Indian crime rate which came about only in the last 30 years of UMNO and the last 470 days in the PH rule.  
14. Widespread B75 workforce victims denied SOCSO Claims and Pensions. The powerless PH Indian Human Resources Senior Minister is of no or very little help!!!
15. Vide promise No 16. PH promised to form the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in combating (widespread racial) discrimination and unfairness both in the public and private sectors. But we have recorded ZERO delivery, maybe in recognition of the Zero votes for BN campaign! 

1. The Malaysian Insight 1.5.19
2. Malaysiakini 14.1.19
3. Based on ONE year monitoring and research covering over 500 newsreports mostly from the 4 Tamil Dailies, three English Dailies and 5 Internet Newsportals and Social Media.
4. Hindraf  (2.0s’) Malaysian Indian Minority Human Rights Violations Annual Report 2009 at page 23.
5. Press statement by Kua Kia Soong, SUARAM Adviser 26 Oct 2018
   (5A) Malaysia Nanban 8/5/2019 at page 1
6. Malaysiakini 30 April 2019
7. The Star 16.1.2019 at page 25, Malaysia Nanban 14/12/2018 at page 4 and 30/1/19 at pg 1.
8. M.kini 11.1.19
9. MakkalOsai 8/8/2018 at page 6. 
10. 27,803 at as 100 days and a further 1,777 totaling 29,580as at the 200th dayand a further 15,758 totaling 45,338as at the 365th day.
11. Ref: Hindraf 2.0s’ 25 Proposals to Tun Mahathir, TunDaim and Council on Institutional Reforms dated 28.5.18).(PHPromise No 2 and 3 refers)
12. Poverty and poverty related suicides among the Indian community in Malaysia: Ref- MakkalOsai 13/1/2019 at page 13, Tamil Malar 19/3/2019 at page 1.
13. 113 as at 200th day
14. Tamil Malar 19/11/2018 at page 5.
15. The Star 8/10/2018 at page 2.
16. The Star 29/10/2018 at page 11.
    16A. Details of the 45 critical conditions in Items 17 - 71 hereinbelow are outlined in Appendix 1)
17. The Star 23/11/2018 at page 30.
18. The Star 27/8/2018 at page 18.
19. MakkalOsai 3/9/2018 at page 3
20. Malaysia Nanban 9/9/2018 at page 5
21. MakkalOsai 14/9/2018 at page 3
22. Malaysia Nanban 14/9/2018 at page 1
23. Malaysia Nanban 19/9/2018 at page 2.
24. MakkalOsai 29/9/2018 at page 10.
25. Tamil Nesan 19/8/2018 at page 1
26. MakkalOsai 28/8/2018 at page 10
27. MakkalOsai 6/10/2018 Headlines
28. MakkalOsai 23/8/2018 at page 14, Malaysia Nanban 25/82018 at page 3, Malaysia Nanban 11/9/2018 at page 12, Malaysia Nanban 23/8/2018 at page 12 and Tamil Nesan 2/10/2018 Headlines respectively
29. Malaysia Nanban 28/8/2018 at page 12 and MakkalOsai 5/8/2018 at page 10 respectively. 
30. Malaysia Nanban 20/12/2019 Headlines
31. MakkalOsai 1/3/2019 at page 7 / MakkalOsai 13/1/2019 at page 10
32. MakkalOsai 1/3/2019 at page 3
33. Malaysia Nanban 2/3/2019 at page 16
34. Malaysia Nanban 4/3/2019 Headlines
35. Malaysia Nanban 5/3/2019 at page 3
36. Tamil Malar 9/3/2019 at page 12
37. Malaysia Nanban Headlines 7/3/2019
38. Tamil Malar 14/3/2019 at page 2
39. Tamil Malar 14/3/2019 at page 6
40. MakkalOsai 3/2/2019 at page 1
41. Tamil Malar 2/2/2019 at page 5
42. MakkalOsai 2.5.2019 at page 1
43. Ref NST 28/4/2019 at page 4
44. Malaysia Nanban 17/1/2019 Headlines
45. The Star 16/1/2019 at page 18
46. Tamil Malar 15.1.2019 at page 1 
47. Tamil Nesan 13/1/2019 at page 1
48. The Star 14/1/2019 at page 12
49. MakkalOsai 13/1/2019 at page 1 
50. The Star 12/1/2019 at page 21
51. MakkalOsai 10/1/2019 at page 1
52. Malaysia Nanban 6/1/2019 at page 12
53. Malaysia Nanban 8/1/2019 at page 7
54. Malaysia Nanban 8/1/2019 Headlines
55. MakkalOsai 30/12/2018 at page 12
56. Malaysia Nanban 30/12/2019 at page 1
57. Tamil Nesan 29/12/2019 at page 1
58. MakkalOsai 28/12/2018 at page 3
59. MakkalOsai 27/12/2019 at page 10
60. MakkalOsai 27/12/2018 at page 3
61. Starmetro 27/11/2017 at page 10
62. The Star 7/1/2019 at page 16
63. Tamil Malar 3/1/2019 at page 5
64. (Kinrara, Lancang, Blue Valley, Jelebu, Semenyih, Saga, Taman , Keladi (Sg. Petani), Ampang and Menglembu Tamil schools)
65. MakkalOsai 3/2/2019 at page 12 &MakkalOsai 20/12/2018 headlines 
66. Malaysia Nanban 3/1/2019 at page 7
67. Malaysia Nanban 4/1/2019 at page 3
68. Malaysia Nanban 31/3/2019 at page 1
69. Malaysia Nanban 4/1/2019 headlines
70. Air Manis(Muar),Tebrau Estate, Dublin Estate (Kulim), Semburong (Renggam), Changkat Jong Estate (Sg.Siput),ChangkatKending(Ipoh) Tamil Schools.
71. Malaysia Nanban7/5/2019 at page 1 (Layang2 Tamil School) 
72. Starmetro 19/12/2019 at page 4
73. Malaysia Nanban 20/2/2019 at page 16
74. Tamil Malar 5/3/2019 at page 1
75. Malay Mail 9/4/2019
76. Tamil Malar 25/4/2019 Headlines (2,200)
77. The Star 3/12/2018 at page 3 (cuba)
78. MakkalOsai 23/3/2019 at page 1 (mrsm)
79. NST 30/11/2018 at page 2
80. The Star 4/5/2019 at page 18
81. NST 5/1/2019 at page 51
82. Malaysia Nanban 23/2/2019 at page 1
83. The Star 29/11/2018 at page 3
84. Tamil Malar 6/1/2019 at page 4 
85. MakkalOsai 8/1/2019 at page 1 (rice)
86. MakkalOsai 31/12/2019 at page 1 (granny)
87. MakkalOsai 11/3/2019 at page 14 (hungry)
88. MakkalOsai 9/3/2019 at page 16 (No Welfare)
89. Tamil Malar 25/12/2018 at page 15 (Bus)
90. MakkalOsai 1/4/2019 at page 1 (cement)
91. Tamil Nesan 19/1/2019 at page 16 (accidt)
92. Tamil Malar 7/1/2019 at page 2 (no school)
93. Tamil Nesan 5/12/2019 at page 5 (dcm)
94. MakkalOsai 12/1/2019 at page 7 (spkr)
95. Tamil Nesan 14/1/2019 at page 6 (Kedah
96. MakkalOsai 8/3/2019 at page 3 (bus)
97. Tamil Nesan 15/12/2018 at page 4 (prk ex)
98. Tamil Malar 20/1/2019 at page 3 (full pg)
99. Tamil Nesan 14/1/2019 at page 1 (pgl) 
100. Malaysia Nanban 31/3/2019 at page 1 (comm)
101. MakkalOsai 3/3/2019 at page 16 (wtrd.conn)
102. MakkalOsai 4/3/2019 at page 2 (fld)
103. Malaysia Nanban 10/3/2019 at page 16 (6k)
104. Tamil Malar Headlines 31/1/2019 (poca)
105. Malaysia Nanban Headlines 26/11/2019 (mud)
106. The Star 4/10/2018 at page 19 (tosai)
107. The Malaysian Insider 1/5/2019 (3d)
108. MakkalOsai 9/12/2018 at page 3 (rly)
109. Malaysiakini 15 Apr 2019 (lose)
110. Malaysiakini 31.12.19 (kua)
111. (FMT21.12.18) 
112. The Star 29/12/2018

Appendix 1

“Tamil school left without electricity for two weeks” (17) , “PTA wants (90 years old wooden Tamil) school relocated for safety” (18), PH Indian Selangor EXCO dishing out RM 150.00 for top Tamil School students scoring 7As’(19) but denied entry into MRSM, fully residential schools etc, “Bukit Raja Tamil School classrooms infested by white ants”(20), 170 pupils (cramped) into Gelang Patah Tamil School (originally meant) for 90(21), Electric Wiring caught fire at (wooden) Tebrau Estate Tamil School (and pupils forced to study along the corridors)(22), Security Guards salary not paid in Tamil Schools (23), “Three Perak Tamil School building works stop”(24), St Helier Tamil School Building Works (stopped)(25) ,90 year old (wooden) Malos Estate Tamil School on the verge of collapsing (26) , 74 Tamil School toilets in deplorable state(27), five Tamil Schools in Rembau, Ulu Tiram, Lunas, Batu Gajah and Port Dickson denied Land Titles (28), Sg Kawang Tamil School and St Leonard Tamil School denied Annex Buildings (29) in catering to increased intake, 18 Tamil schools denied kindergartens (30), Semenyih Tamil School denied 6 acres land (31), Sg Jerik Tamil School, Pahang denied RM350,000.00(32) , Despite land being granted by UMW and even after one by-election, two General Elections, two “pecah tanah” ceremonies and scores of Tamil media headlines catching public protests involving even school children, the Serendah Tamil School is yet to be built (33), Changloon Tamil school denied playing field and kindergarden(34), Kulim Tamil school child dies of heatstroke! (35), PH grants Pajam Tamil School RM5,000.00 and two bicycles for top students! (36), Deputy Headmasters’ position in danger in Tamil schools (37), Third World era Mayfeild Tamil School Hall (38), Taman Melawati Tamil School’s defective canteen (39), Tuition problems at Kampong Pandan Tamil School (40),  NGOs’ help pay school fees for GunungRapat Tamil School pupils (41), Tamil Secondary School denied (Promise No 5, PH Indian Manifesto) (42), High Tension TNB Electric Cables built above Frasers Hill Tamil School (43), 41 year old right to “Cuti Peristiwa” now denied (44), Four new Johor Tamil schools unable to be opened(45), C.F denied for Tebrau Tamil School (46), Parents physically stop developers attempt to demolish Semenyih Tamil School Fencing(47), (UMNO era Education Ministries’ racist policy) to solve Tamil School problems one by one (48), PH EXCOs’ (even) RM2,000.00 Deepavali goodies announcement to 61 Negeri Sembilan Tamil Schools not honoured ! (49), 16 Tamil schools not open despite being completed two years already! (50), CF denied to Bukit Jalil Tamil School (51), smelly and dirty rubbish lorry pass through Jalan Akob Tamil school (52), PH Minister’s (yet another empty promise of) Hostel in Carey Island Tamil School (53), 37 Tamil schools building not completed up to 8 years (54),Kelumpang Tamil School denied maintainance funds (55), 95% completed 18 months ago but Tun Dr.Ismail Tamil school, Johor cannot be occupied (56),Annual Funding denied to Kelumpang Tamil School (57), Jeram Tamil School still in Construction Cabins (58), afternoon session in Saraswathy Tamil school, SgPetani (59), Traffic lights to prevent accidents denied to Changkat Jong Estate Tamil School(TelukIntan)(60), Storage area converted into classroom at LadangEscot Tamil School (61), Tun Dr. Ismail Tamil School in Education Minister’s Constituency denied 150 meters access road, termites, wiring issuesand cannot be openedfor use(62), (cramped)Mak Mandin Tamil school denied adjoining land (63), Eleven Tamil Schools/Annex Buildings cannot be opened for up to 3 years because denied C.F. (64), Highlands Estate and 32 Tamil Schools denied even Kindergartens (65), Five (estate) Tamil schools with no enrolment in standard one but refused to be relocated to largely Indian populated areas in nearby towns(66), Eleven Tamil Schools with fewer than 10 pupils in standard one in Batang Padang District (Tanjung Malim)but refused to be relocated to largely Indian populated areas in nearby towns(67),  Six Tamil schools in Baling alonebut refused to be relocated to largely Indian populated areas in nearby towns(68),Borrow students from Towns to avoid Tamil school closure (69)  Six Tamil schools with very low enrolment in estates refused to be relocated to largely Indian housing estates in nearby towns(70). Semburung (Layang2) Tamil School denied PH Government allocation and funding. (71)

*as per PHs’ 1st year Anniversary Paper by P.Uthayakumar

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Forum to be held on 21 September in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat [Updated Title of speeches of panel speakers on 14 & 16 Sep]

Forum to be held on 21 September 

in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat

Media statement Sahabat Rakyat dated 16 August 2019 

[Updated title of speeches of panel speakers on 14 & 16 Sep]

人民之友成立18周年纪念
9月21日举办专题论坛

Sahabat Rakyat will be organising “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum cum buffet in commemoration of our 18th Anniversary. The following 4 experts have accepted the invitation to become our panel speakers and below are the tile of their speeches:

• PH & Tun Mahathir’s UMNO Era Divisive Racial Policies & Politics in ‘Preserving’ B75 Indian Poor in Malay-sia Baru by P. Uthayakumar, Leader of Hindraf 2.0
• Mahathir Returns to Power – Does it Matter? by Siti Kasim, Human rights lawyer
• Half-baked Reform in the Shadow of Feudalism and Authoritarianism: Pakatan Harapan Missed Opportunities by Josh Hong, Freelance writer and commentator
• Democratic Movement is the Best Way to To Keep Dr Mahathir in Check by Lum Chih Feng, Media worker and commentator

All 4 panel speakers will present papers, deliver speeches and answer questions on the theme of the forum. After the event, we will also be uploading the paper and video of the speeches of the panel speakers to Sahabat Rakyat blog(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com) as reference material for the public. Through this forum, we hope to inspire more leaders of democratic parties, organisations, scholars and peoples of all walks of life to make more contribution to the democratic reform movement of our country.

Particulars of the event are as follows:

Date: 21 September 2019 (Saturday)

Time: 2:00pm – 5:30pm 

Venue: Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor 

Buffet will start upon the completion of the forum, concurrent with the sharing session. We welcome all who are concerned with the political developments in Malaysia to attend this event and join the buffet meal. (Admission is free, but please register in advance so that we can make necessary arrangement for food. If you are interested, please fill in https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6 or contact person in charge below) 

9 September - Published the English rendition of an article of value for reference

On 9 September this year (the actual day of our anniversary), we had published an English rendition of the "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" originally written in Chinese by Chng Min Oh, a former trade union leader in Singapore on Sahabat Rakyat blog, as a gift of our anniversary. This English rendition was translated by personnel delegated by the Secretariat of Sahabat Rakyat. This article provides a historical lesson learned about the destruction bore from within of the anti-colonial independence movement of the people of Malaya and Singapore plotted by the enemy, and constitutes revelatory reference material to the realistic issues that this coming forum is probing into.

Sahabat Rakyat is an ideological exchange platform that focuses on promoting democratic human rights movement in our country. All committee members of Sahabat Rakyat are volunteers. We adhere to the stance of being independent and autonomous, we adopt the principle of being self-reliant, thrifty and hard work, and strive to promote the development of the democratic human rights movement toward the right direction. We welcome those who are generous hearted to sponsor this event and other work that we carry out. For those who are interested to sponsor, please contact:

（1）Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511

（2）Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187

（3）Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320

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人民之友成立18周年纪念，9月21日举办专题论坛【9月14日更新:主讲人发言题目】

人民之友成立18周年纪念
9月21日举办专题论坛

◆人民之友2019年8月16日新闻文告◆

【9月14日更新:主讲人发言题目】

Forum to be held on 21 September 
in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat

我们决定举办“‘509改朝换代’马哈迪当政，民主改革运动前进抑或倒退？”论坛与自由餐会，作为我们今年（2019年）纪念人民之友成立18周年的活动内容。以下4名专人欣然接受作为论坛的主讲人：

• 兴权会2.0领导乌达雅古玛 (P. Uthayakumar): 《希盟和马哈迪的”Malay-sia Baru”: 大马B75贫困印裔群体无法翻身》
• 人权律师西蒂卡欣 (Siti Kasim): 《马哈迪回锅掌权，关系很大吗？》
• 自由撰稿人及评论人唐南发 (Josh Hong): 《封建与威权主义笼罩下的半调子改革：希盟执政以来错失的机遇》
• 媒体工作者及评论人蓝志锋 (Lum Chih Feng): 《民主运动是制衡马哈迪的最佳途径》

4名主讲人将针对论坛主题分别出具论文，发表讲话，并回答现场问题。我们会在论坛过后，将主讲人的专题文章和讲话视频，上载到人民之友部落格(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com)，供公众阅览。我们希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士，共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

论坛举办日期：2019年9月21日(星期六)，时间：下午2:00—5:30时分，地点：柔佛古来，新国泰餐馆。论坛结束后才进行简单的自由餐会，同时进行互相交流。我们欢迎关心我国政治发展的公众人士前来聆听论坛主讲人的演讲并参加自由餐会（入场免费，但请事先报名参加，以便准备食物。有意参加者请填上表格https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6或联系以下负责人）。

9月9日张贴一篇具参考价值英译文章

我们已在今年9月9日（成立纪念日）这天，发表人民之友秘书处委派人员翻译的一篇新加坡前工会领袖庄明湖2013年所撰写的《廿世纪六十年代新加坡左派工运遭遇问题探索（续篇）》（原是华文版）的英文译稿，作为人民之友18周年纪念的一个献礼——提供一个新马人民反殖独立运动遭遇敌人从内部破坏的历史殷鉴，为在9月21日举行的论坛所探索的现实课题，增添一份具有启示意义的参考材料。

“人民之友”是一个着重促进我国民主人权运动的思想交流平台。人民之友工委会都是义务的自愿工作者，我们坚持独立自主的立场，我们采取自力更生、节约苦干的方针，为推动我国民主人权运动朝向正确方向发展而奋斗。我们欢迎“有心人”赞助我们的这项活动及其他工作，有意赞助者请联系：

（1）朱信杰 017-7721511
（2）钟立薇 012-7177187
（3）吴振宇 013-7778320

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“Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum - In commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat / Asal Usul Forum sempena Ulang Tahun ke-18 Sahabat Rakyat "Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa dalam PRU ke-14, Kemajuan atau kemunduran pergerakan reformasi demokratik?"

 “Mahathir returns to power after regime change 
in the 14th GE, A progression or regression of 
the democratic reform movement?” forum 

- In commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat
“509改朝换代”马哈迪当政，民主改革运动前进抑或倒退？
——人民之友成立18周年纪念论坛缘起

In the 14th General Election (GE14) on 9 May 2018, the people had overthrown the UMNO-BN government led by Najib and pinned their hopes on Pakatan Harapan (PH) instead. The new government formed by Mahathir, who succeeded to return to power as the Prime Minister, has ruled for more than a year by now. In the past one year, as expected, apart from a few minor improvements, the Mahathir regime has not shown any political will to implement genuine democratic reforms, but rather offers policies which are more of a "political candy" to voters. In fact, Mahathir has been using his power as the Prime Minister to take over the country's machinery, orchestrate to strengthen Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM), and reestablish the Malay racist ruling clique centered around himself, his family and his cronies. As a result, the economy of the country has not made the slightest improvement compared to pre-GE14. Many of the problems left by the UMNO-BN administration are still haunting the country, the people of all ethnic groups are increasingly dissatisfied with Mahathir’s regime for not making effort into reform the country. In this regard, democratic parties, organisations and democrats should reflect on "whether the fruit of the struggle of the people of all ethnicities has been plundered by Mahathir and his clique?" and "How can we change this situation?" 

In September last year, 3 months after the formation of the PH government, in commemoration of the 17th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat, we published an article entitled “Unite with the Masses and Persist in True Democratic Reform! Abandon Illusion and Stop the Restoration of “Mahathirism”! “, putting forward our views on the political situation of Malaysia after the formation of the new government. It has been a year since then, we are of the view that followings are questions currently faced by democratic parties, organisations and democrats:

• Firstly, many people somewhat harbor illusion about the new government formed by Mahathir and PH to drive democratic reforms. This is side proven by the fact that Mahathir’s regime is rarely openly criticized by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the past one year. However, looking at the current state of our domestic political situation, ultimately Mahathir’s regime will not implement genuine democratic reform. In other words, even though our country succeeded in changing the government on 9 May 2018, but the essence has not changed - There is no sign of a change in Malay racism and racial discrimination system. Does this reflect that the democratic reform movement in our country is not only not progressing, but regressing?
• Secondly, the real purpose of Mahathir leading PH and returns to power as the Prime Minister was to restore the Malay racist hegemonic rule which characterizes Mahathir’s thoughts, which we regard as the restoration of "Mahathirism". After the restoration of "Mahathirism", the struggle for democratic reform of the original 3 parties of PH, (namely Parti Keadilan Rakyat, Democratic Action Party dan Parti Amanah Negara), and the people of all ethnic groups will be completely destroyed. Does this mean that, for the broad masses who are hoping for genuine democratic reform, the decision of the leaders of the original 3 parties of PH to accept Mahathir's leadership in the political struggle against UMNO-BN was a serious mistake?
• Thirdly, based on the domestic political situation at present, as a result of the complete restoration of Mahathirism, a new phase of Malay racist hegemonic rule will be formed. Its core political power will consist of ruling and opposition political parties which defend the Malay supremacy, which are PPBM, UMNO and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). Therefore, for the democratic parties, organizations and people who are committed to genuine democratic reform, after GE14, is “Mahathirism” a treasure that should be cherished or a bane that should be eradicated? Is Mahathir, his family and cronies the allies or the enemies of the people of all ethnicities in the democratic reform struggle? These questions should be seriously thought through by democratic parties, organisations, democrats and people of all ethnic groups.

Sahabat Rakyat will be organising “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum cum buffet in commemoration of the 18th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat. We will be inviting multiple pretty well-known democrats and political scholars to present papers, deliver speeches and answer questions on the theme of the forum. After the event, we will also be uploading the paper and video of the speeches of the panel speakers to Sahabat Rakyat blog (sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com) as reference material for the public. Through this forum, we hope to inspire more leaders of democratic parties, organisations, scholars and peoples of all walks of life to make more contribution to the democratic reform movement of our country.

On 9 September this year (the actual day of our anniversary), we will be publishing an English rendition of the "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" originally written in Chinese by Chng Min Oh, a former trade union leader in Singapore on Sahabat Rakyat blog, as a gift of our anniversary. This English rendition was translated by personnel delegated by the Secretariat of Sahabat Rakyat. This article provides a historical lesson learned about the destruction bore from within of the anti-colonial independence movement of the people of Malaya and Singapore plotted by the enemy, and constitutes revelatory reference material to the realistic issues that this coming forum is probing into.

Particulars of the event are as follows:
Date: 21 September 2019 (Saturday)
Time: 2:00pm – 5:30pm
Venue: Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor
Buffet will start upon the completion of the forum, concurrent with the sharing session. We welcome all who are concerned with the political developments in Malaysia to attend this event and join the buffet meal. (Admission is free, but please register in advance so that we can make necessary arrangement for food. If you are interested, please fill in https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6 or contact person in charge below)

Sahabat Rakyat is an ideological exchange platform that focuses on promoting democratic human rights movement in our country. All committee members of Sahabat Rakyat are volunteers. We adhere to the stance of being independent and autonomous, we adopt the principle of being self-reliant, thrifty and hard work, and strive to promote the development of the democratic human rights movement toward the right direction. We welcome those who are generous hearted to sponsor this event and other work that we carry out. For those who are interested to sponsor, please contact:

      （1）Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511
      （2）Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187
      （3）Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320

---

Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa dalam PRU ke-14, 

Kemajuan atau kemunduran pergerakan reformasi demokratik?

Asal Usul Forum sempena Ulang Tahun ke-18 Sahabat Rakyat

Dalam pilihan raya umum pada 9 Mei 2018, rakyat jelata telah menggulingkan kerajaan UMNO-BN yang diketuai oleh Najib dan menaruh harapan ke atas Pakatan Harapan (PH). Setakat ini, kerajaan baharu yang dibentuk oleh Mahathir yang berjaya kembali ke puncak kuasa, telah memerintah lebih daripada satu tahun. Dalam tempoh satu tahun yang lepas, seperti yang dijangka, selain daripada sejumlah kecil langkah penambahbaikan, regim Mahathir tidak menunjukkan kehendak politik untuk melaksanakan reformasi demokratik yang tulen, sebaliknya lebih gemar dengan dasar-dasar bersifat "gula-gula politik" kepada pengundi. Malah, Mahathir menggunakan kuasanya sebagai Perdana Menteri untuk menguasai jentera negara, menumpu pada pengukuhan Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM), dan membentuk semula klik pemerintah perkauman Melayu yang berteraskan dirinya, keluarganya dan kroni-kroninya. Akibatnya, ekonomi negara tidak menunjukkan sebarang kemajuan berbanding dengan keadaan sebelum 9 Mei 2018. Kebanyakan masalah yang ditinggalkan dari era pentadbiran UMNO-BN masih menghantui negara, rakyat semua bangsa semakin tidak berpuas hati dengan regim Mahathir kerana tidak bersungguh-sungguh dalam mereformasikan negara. Dalam hal ini, parti-parti demokratik dan democrat-demokrat  perlu merenung kembali “adakah hasil perjuangan rakyat semua bangsa telah dirampas oleh Mahathir dan kumpulannya?” dan “bagaimanakah kita boleh mengubah situasi sebegini?”

Pada bulan September tahun lepas, iaitu 3 bulan selepas pembentukan kerajaan PH, kami menerbitan karangan bertajuk “Bersatu padu, Mempertahankan Reformasi Demokratik Tulen! Buangkan Khayalan, Menghalang Pemulihan Mahathirisme!” sempena ulang tahun ke-17 penubuhan Sahabat Rakyat untuk mengemukakan pandangan Sahabat Rakyat terhadap situasi politik Malaysia selepas pembentukan kerajaan baharu. Kini sudah genap satu tahun, pada pendapat kami, persoalan yang dihadapi parti-parti demokratik dan democrat-demokrat adalah seperti berikut:  

• Pertama, Ramai orang mempunyai khayalan (pada tahap yang berbeza) terhadap kerajaan baharu yang dibentuk oleh Mahathir dan PH untuk mendorong maju reformasi demokratik. Ini dibuktikan dengan hakikat bahawa rejim Mahathir jarang dikritik secara terbuka oleh pertubuhan bukan kerajaan (NGOs) sepanjang satu tahun yang lepas. Walau bagaimanapun, berdasarkan keadaan politik domestik semasa, semakin jelas regim Mahathir tidak akan berusaha mendorong maju reformasi demokratik tulen. Dengan kata lain, walaupun rakyat berjaya menukar kerajaan pada 9 Mei 2018, tetapi perubahan tulen masih tidak berlaku, Tiada tanda-tanda yang menunjukkan berlakunya perubahan pada dasar perkauman Melayu dan system diskriminasi kaum. Adakah ini mencerminkan bahawa pergerakan reformasi demokratik negara kita bukan sahaja tidak maju ke hadapan, malah semakin mundur ke belakang?
• Kedua, Tujuan sebenar Mahathir mengetuai PH dan kembali menjadi Perdana Menteri ialah untuk memulihkan pemerintahan hegemoni perkauman Melayu yang mempunyai ciri-ciri khas pemikiran Mahathir, iaitu apa yang kami sifatkan sebagai "pemulihan Mahathirisme". Selepas "Mahathirisme" mendapat nafas baharu, perjuangan reformasi demokratik 3 parti asal PH, iaitu Parti Keadilan Rakyat, Parti Tindakan Demokratik dan Parti Amanah Negara, dan rakyat semua bangsa akan dimusnahkan sepenuhnya. Adakah ini bermakna bahawa, bagi massa yang mendahagakan reformasi demokratik tulen, keputusan pemimpin 3 parti asal PH untuk menerima pimpinan Mahathir dalam perjuangan politik menentang UMNO-BN adalah satu kesilapan besar?
• Ketiga, berdasarkan keadaan politik domestik semasa, hasil daripada pemulihan penuh Mahathirisme, pemerintahan hegemoni perkauman Melayu fasa baharu akan terbentuk. Kuasa politik terasnya mungkin akan terdiri daripada parti-parti politik yang memerintah mahupun pembangkang yang mempertahankan Ketuanan Melayu, yakni PPBM, UMNO dan PAS. Oleh itu, bagi parti-parti demokratik dan rakyat yang komited terhadap reformasi demokratik tulen, selepas PRU ke-14, adakah "Mahathirism" merupakan khazanah yang harus dihargai atau punca musibah yang harus dibanteras? Adakah Mahathir, keluarganya dan kroni-kroninya merupakan sekutu atau menjadi musuh kepada rakyat semua bangsa dalam perjuangan reformasi demokratik? Isu-isu ini menjadi isu yang perlu dipertimbangkan secara serius oleh parti-parti demokratik, individu-individu demokrat dan rakyat semua bangsa negara kita.

Kami memutuskan untuk menganjurkan forum “Mahathir kembali ke puncak kuasa dalam PRU ke-14, kemajuan atau kemunduran pergerakan reformasi demokratik?” dan menyediakan bufet ringkas untuk meraikan ulang tahun ke-18 Sahabat Rakyat. Kami akan menjemput beberapa demokrat dan sarjana berprestij untuk membentang artikel, memberi ucapan dan menjawab soalan mengenai tema forum. Kami juga akan memuat naik nota utama dan video ucapan panel-panel forum ke laman blog Sahabat Rakyat (sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com) untuk tatapan awam. Melalui forum ini, kami berharap dapat memberi inspirasi kepada lebih banyak pemimpin parti-parti demokratik, sarjana-sarjana dan rakyat pelbagai lapisan masyarakat untuk meningkatkan usaha dan sumbangan masing-masing kepada pergerakan reformasi demokratik negara.

Pada 9 September 2019 (ulang tahun Sahabat Rakyat), kami akan menerbitkan sebuah penterjemahan Bahasa Inggeris bertajuk "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" yang asalnya ditulis dalam bahasa Cina oleh bekas pemimpin kesatuan sekerja di Singapura, Chng Min Oh, dalam laman blog Sahabat Rakyat (sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com), sebagai hadiah sempena ulang tahun kami. Kerja terjemahan ini dilakukan dibawah pengeloraan sekretariat Sahabat Rakyat. Artikel ini membekalkan pelajaran sejarah tentang pergerakan anti penjajahan dan menuntut kemerdekaan rakyat Malaya dan Singapura yang dihancurkan oleh musuh dari dalam, yang boleh dijadikan sebagai buah fikiran kepada isu-isu realistik yang diterokai dalam forum ini. Ketetapan Forum seperti berikut:

Tarikh forum: 21 September 2019 (Sabtu) 

masa: 2:00 - 5:30 petang

lokasi: Restoran Cathay Kulai

Bufet makan malam ringkas akan disediakan selepas forum, serentak dengan sesi pertukaran pandangan. Kami mengalu-alukan orang ramai yang mengambil berat tentang perkembangan politik negara kita datang mendengar pembicaraan forum dan menikmati bufet ringkas. Penyertaan adalah percuma. Kepada sesiapa yang berminat untuk datang, sila membuat pendaftaran awal dengan mengisi borang di https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6 atau menghubungi  penganjur supaya persediaan makanan dapat diatur. 

"Sahabat Rakyat" adalah platform untuk pertukaran ideologi yang menumpu kepada kemajuan pergerakan demokratik dan hak asasi manusia negara kita. Semua ahli jawatankuasa Sahabat Rakyat adalah sukarelawan. Kami mendorong maju pergerakan demokratik dan hak asasi manusia negara kita menghala ke arah yang betul berdasarkan pendirian tegas bebas dan autonomi, dan prinsip kemandirian, cermat serta bekerja keras. Kami mengalu-alukan "individu prihatin" untuk menaja program ini dan kerja-kerja lain kami. Sesiapa yang berminat untuk menaja, sila hubungi:

      （1）Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511

      （2）Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187

      （3）Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320

Read More