西方媒体封杀的新闻: 海牙法庭大爆炸! 杜特尔特硬核反击，全球震惊! 【附新闻视频】 / Duterte fights back, causing an uproar in The Hague Court

西方媒体封杀的新闻:

海牙法庭大爆炸! 杜特尔特

硬核反击，全球震惊!

【附新闻视频】

来源：mr.baidu.com/r/1zRyi7nSFkA?f=cp&u=7cdb68fbfbd14ee5

这是一条被西方媒体封杀而只在民间社交媒体流传的视频新闻，请点击以下箭头，观赏聆听精彩内容——

以下是中国百度网2025-03-21 08:43刊出的中英文的报道。全文如下（本文标题和文内小标题为《人民之友》编者所加）——

 杜特尔特反击，海牙法庭炸锅！

海牙法庭炸锅！3月19日，杜特尔特坐着轮椅出庭受审，当ICC法官刚念完"反人类罪"指控，这位79岁硬汉突然甩出三颗数据核弹，震撼全球。

杜特尔特突然甩出三颗数据核弹

"美军在阿富汗屠杀35万平民，ICC装瞎20年！以色列炸死5万加沙儿童，你们的逮捕令呢？"老杜当庭播放达沃市缉毒实录，幼儿园监控显示禁毒后犯罪率暴跌73%。

主审官慌忙敲槌制止，杜特尔特却掏出一沓照片——被毒贩残害的儿童尸体与美军无人机轰炸现场并列，质问："哪边更像反人类？"旁听席爆发欢呼，菲律宾侨民高喊"总统万岁"，法警拦都拦不住。

马科斯政府现在骑虎难下，原本想借ICC搞垮政敌，反倒让莎拉副总统民调飙到39%。

杜特尔特当庭承诺："若判我有罪，就请把拜登、内塔尼亚胡也押来受审！"这话直接戳破ICC"只打蚊子，不打老虎"的虚伪面具。

这场世纪审判，终究成了照妖镜

ICC此刻进退维谷：判有罪？全球南方国家集体退群，判无罪？西方金主断供数亿欧元经费，这场世纪审判，终究成了照妖镜——照出国际司法的脓疮，也照见新世界秩序的曙光。

---

Duterte fights back, causing 

an uproar in The Hague Court

 

The Hague Court went wild! On March 19, Duterte appeared in court in a wheelchair. When the ICC judge just finished reading the "crimes against humanity" charges, the 79-year-old tough guy suddenly threw out three data nuclear bombs: 

"The US military massacred 350,000 civilians in Afghanistan, and the ICC pretended to be blind for 20 years! Israel bombed 50,000 children in Gaza, where is your arrest warrant?" Old Du played the real record of drug control in Davao City in court, and kindergarten surveillance showed that the crime rate plummeted by 73% after drug prohibition. 

The presiding judge hurriedly knocked the gavel to stop it, but Duterte took out a stack of photos - the bodies of children killed by drug dealers and the scene of the US drone bombing, and asked: "Which side is more anti-human?" The audience burst into cheers, and the Filipino expatriates shouted "Long live the president", and the bailiffs couldn't stop them. 

The Marcos government is now in a dilemma. It originally wanted to use the ICC to bring down its political opponents, but it made Vice President Sarah's polls soar to 39%. 

Duterte promised in court: "If I am found guilty, please bring Biden and Netanyahu to trial as well!" This statement directly exposes the hypocritical mask of the ICC that "only hits mosquitoes and not tigers". 

The ICC is in a dilemma at this moment: Convicted? Global South countries collectively withdraw from the group, not guilty? Western financiers cut off hundreds of millions of euros in funding. This trial of the century has finally become a magic mirror - revealing the abscesses of international justice and the dawn of a new world order.

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林德宜《东方网》专栏评论：是时候设153条文皇委会 ／ Time for a RCI on Article 153 ( By Lim Teck Ghee )

林德宜《东方网》专栏评论:

是时候设 153 条文皇委会

来源： orientaldaily.com.my/news/mingjia/2024/06/07/656936

点击此处打开播放器收听内容广播

❝ 马来西亚社会在特殊地位条款和第153条文上陷入僵局和固化太久了。当我们周围的国家和世界已经发生了重大变化时，继承这国家的年轻一代有权重新开始，而不必受67年前的累赘约束。❞ 

本文是林德宜（公共政策分析学者）2024-06-07 07:45发表于《东方网》的专栏评论。原标题：是时候设153条文皇委会。全文如下（上图为《人民之友》编者所加）——

首相安华于2024年5月31日在沙巴兵南邦演讲时，如此指出：

❝我们不能低估半岛、沙巴或砂拉越的（极端主义）势力……他们只纯粹从特定的种族或宗教角度来看待他们的生存，这肯定不利于我国的社会结构。

我必须继续重申这一点，因为存在一些极端观点的势力。

即使在独立六十年后，你仍然可以听到（类似情绪）。这是不能容忍的。❞

在打造一个安全和团结的马来西亚努力中，首相安华的最新保证，其政府将继续争取、追求和确保马来西亚每一个公民的权利都受到保护和维护，这确实令人欣慰。

然而，安华需要其希盟同志或任何其他有抱负的政府机构之协助，以赢得这场战斗。

最近，关于玛拉工艺大学向非马来学生开放学额的急躁反应和争议，对于使用“种族隔离”一词来描述马来西亚情况的报案，以及许多与宪法第153条文下，马来人和非马来人社会权益的公开争执，都表明了，我国族群间长期无法弥合的伤口，与该条款的政策实施和影响有关。

宪法第153条文实施下造成的“伤口”，有时更会变成“坏疽”。这也可能是阻碍年轻人充分发挥潜力、建立安全、自信和团结社会的主要因素。

为何应成立皇委会？

那可以采取什么措施来治愈这个溃烂的“伤口”？需要怎样的“消毒剂”？而谁将负责执行这个行动呢？显然，在当下充满张力的政治舞台上，对马来人和沙巴和砂拉越土著的特殊地位以及宪法和第153条所定义的其他社群的相应合法地位和利益，进行任何审查都是困难的，甚至是不可能的，即使我们的政治领袖有最好的意图。

根深蒂固、对立种族政治和分歧不仅阻碍了国会对这课题进行明智和审慎讨论，而且《宪法》第10（4）条也规定，禁止质疑第153条及其保障马来人特殊地位、东马土著和其他族群权益的条款。同时，在《煽动法令》下，也禁止质疑第153条文——即使是可在国会中不受外界干预下自由辩论的国会议员，也不能例外。

无论如何，即使我们的国会不能辩论这个课题，但没有理由不能在国会外，由国家最优秀的人选，对这个课题进行独立和有意义的检讨和审视。

这样的举措是不需要获得执政党或反对党的批准来启动的。其所需要的只是一个或一群关注此课题的议员提出一份共识后的私人议员法案，要求成立一个皇家调查委员会。

这项法案肯定会遭到一些反对，但我希望由人民选出的大多数议员都会支持皇家委员会成立，以提供国会和这国家在这课题上所迫切所需要的，或可能是关键的分析和判断。

谁会支持皇委会？

除了国会议员的意见外，我确信我们的民间社会、商界、学术和其他组织随时准备就皇家委员会的组成、职权范围和其他必要特征，提供反馈和有用的建议，以便皇委会可以总结出一个可行的结果，并对政策和法律进行必要的改变，以推动国家前进。

马来西亚社会在特殊地位条款和第153条文上陷入僵局和固化太久了。当我们周围的国家和世界已经发生了重大变化时，继承这国家的年轻一代有权重新开始，而不必受67年前的累赘约束。 ■ 

林德宜《是时候设153条文皇委会》原文——

Time for a RCI on Article 153

By Lim Teck Ghee

Source: orientaldaily.com.my/news/mingjia/2024/06/07/656936

click here to listen to the content broadcast 

  "We cannot underestimate the forces （of extremism） in the peninsula, Sabah or Sarawak ... They would view their survival purely from a particular race or religion and this would, of course, be damaging to the fabric of our country.

I have to continue to reiterate this point because there are forces with some extreme views.

Even after six decades of independence, you can still hear (such sentiments). This should not be tolerated”

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim 

Bernama report on PMX Speech, 31 May 2024, Penampang

In the existential battle for a secure and united Malaysia, the latest assurance by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim that his government will continue to fight for, demand and ensure that the rights of every single citizen in Malaysia will be protected and preserved is indeed comforting. 

However, he needs all the help that he, and his colleagues from Pakatan, or any other aspiring government for that matter, can get to win this battle.

The recent rash of controversy over opening university places to non Malay students in UITM, the police reports on the use of the ‘apartheid’ term to describe the situation in Malaysia, and numerous similar public tussles on the rights of Malay and non Malay communities with respect to Article 153 of the Constitution, are evidence that a long running festering wound in the country relates to the policy implementation and ramifications of that provision.

The implementation of Article 153 is a wound that has occasionally turned gangrenous. It is also one that is possibly the major factor that stands in the way of unleashing the full potential of our young in building a secure, confident and united society. 

Why a Royal Commission of Inquiry Should Be Established？

So what can be done to lance and heal this festering wound? What is the antiseptic needed? And who can take on this operation? Clearly any examination of the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak and the corresponding legitimate position and interests of other communities as defined in the Constitution and by Article 153 is difficult, if not impossible, to undertake in our supercharged political arena, despite the best intentions of our political leaders.

Not only are entrenched and combative racial and political divides in the way of sensible and judicious deliberation on this subject in Parliament, Article 10 (4) of the Constitution makes it illegal to question Article 153 and its provisions to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities. Under the Sedition Act, questioning Article 153 is prohibited - even for members of Parliament, who usually have the freedom to discuss anything without fear of external censure. 

However, even if our Dewan Rakyat cannot debate the subject, there is no reason why it cannot initiate an independent and meaningful review and examination of the subject outside its august body by the best minds of the country. 

Such an initiative should not require the approval of the ruling or opposition political parties to jump start the process. All that it requires is one or a group of concerned members of Parliament to table a consensual private members’ bill calling for the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry on the subject matter.

Whilst some opposition to this bill is to be expected, I am hopeful that a majority of our elected representatives will agree that a Royal Commission should be able to provide the critical, and possibly pivotal, analysis and value that Parliament and the nation badly need on this contentious subject. 

Who will support a RCI？

Apart from inputs by members of Parliament, I am certain that our civil society, business, academic and other organisations will be more than ready to provide feedback and useful suggestions on the composition of the RCI, its terms of reference and other necessary features so that the Commission can arrive at practical findings and the necessary changes in policies and laws to drive the nation forward. 

Malaysia has been stuck too long in the stalled and seemingly immovable standing and status on the special position provision and Article 153. Surely our younger generation inheriting the country are entitled to a fresh start without the encumbrance put in place 67 years ago when so much around them in the country and the world has changed.  ■ 

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PKR veteran Hassan Karim: Party must change 'undemocratic' state chief selection / 公正党元老哈山卡林疾呼: 党必须改变"不民主"的 各州(分部)主席的委派

PKR veteran Hassan Karim:

Party must change 'undemocratic' state chief selection

Source : malaysiakini.com/news/706964

 

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This news report is published on May 28, 2024 5:44 pm by Malaysiakini , the writer is Alyaa Alhadjri and The above picture is added by Sahabat Rakyat.

PKR veteran Hassan Karim (above left) has proposed for his party to amend its constitution which currently gives president Anwar Ibrahim the final say on appointing its 14 state chiefs.

He said while the party allows ordinary members to elect the president and supreme council members, the current practice where the president appoints the state chiefs is undemocratic.

“This practice must be changed,” said the Pasir Gudang MP.

“The party’s constitution must be amended through a Special National Congress so that it is no longer the president who appoints the state chiefs to lead the State Leadership Councils,” Hassan told Malaysiakini today.

He was asked to comment on criticism against PKR by human rights lawyer Charles Hector Fernandez that the practice raises concerns now that the party is part of the federal government.

“We need to consider party constitutions as they can be indicative of the kind of government we can be getting if we vote such a party into government.

“The (party) constitution indicates the values and principles that a political party advocates - democracy or.... (otherwise),” said Fernandez in a blog post yesterday.

PKR president Anwar Ibrahim

 

The lawyer, who questioned the government’s commitment to institutional reforms, including on the long-promised return of local government elections local government elections, cited Clause 21.7 of PKR’s constitution.

He said the clause also provides for other internal political appointments including filling the party’s secretary-general post now held by Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail.

He pointed out that Saifuddin is an appointed senator rather than a democratically elected member of Parliament.

Reduce president`s autocratic powers

Commenting further, Hassan said the power to appoint PKR state chiefs should be returned to the leaders of the state branches.

They could hold secret votes among themselves after the conclusion of the party’s annual national congress.

“This provision must be included in PKR’s new constitution to replace the current undemocratic provision that existed since the party’s formation in 1999.

“This amendment is important for PKR to be a fair and democratic party, and to reduce the autocratic powers that is now held by the president,” he stressed.

“This will be a reform for PKR, a party that has touted the ‘Reformasi’ slogan for 25 years.

“Now the time has come to change so PKR will be more vibrant, popular, and truly practise democracy,” said Hassan.

On Sunday, PKR information chief Fahmi Fadzil announced that the party’s central leadership council led by Anwar has reshuffled its state leadership.

Changes were made to the heads and deputies of chapters in Sabah, Pahang, Johor, Terengganu, Kelantan, and the Federal Territories.

In 2022, after PKR’s party election held ahead of the 15th general election, Anwar divided the state chief positions in the peninsula among party deputy president Rafizi Ramli, and vice-presidents Chan Lih Kang, Nurul Izzah Anwar, Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, Aminuddin Harun, and Amirudin Shari.

He also named the party’s Keningau chief Sangkar Rasam as the Sabah PKR chief, who has now been replaced by Sepanggar MP Mustapha @ Mohd Yunus Sakmud, as well as lawyer Roland Engan who has been retained as the Sarawak PKR chief.

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公正党元老哈山卡林疾呼:

党必须改变"不民主"的

各州(分部)主席的委派

来源：malaysiakini.com/news/706964

 

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本文是《当今大马》（英文版）2024-05-28 17:44刊出，由Alyaa Alhadjri撰写的新闻报导而由《人民之友》所作的华文译稿。全文如下（上图为《人民之友》编者所加）——

公正党元老哈山卡林（Hassan Karim，上图左）提议修改党章，现行的党章授予党主席安华任命 14 名州主席（党分部主席）的最终决定权。

他说，虽然公正党允许普通党员选举党主席和党最高理事会成员，但是，目前由党主席任命各州（党分部）主席的做法是不民主的。

这名公正党元老，也是巴西古当国会议员。他说：“这种做法，必须改变。”

哈山卡林今日告诉《当今大马》：“公正党必须通过全国特别代表大会修改党章，以便不再由党主席任命州（党分部）主席来领导州理事会。”

 

上图为公正党主席安华

一名人权律师查尔斯•赫德（Charles Hector ）批评公正党的这种（党主席任命区部主席）的做法引起人们的担忧，因为公正党已是联邦政府的一部分。他要求哈山卡林对他的批评表示意见。

他说，“我们需要考虑政党章程，因为它们可以表明如果我们选举投票让这样的政党进入政府，我们可以得来什么样的政府。”

“（党）章程表明了政党所倡导的价值观和原则——民主或……（其他），” 查尔斯在他昨天的一篇贴文中表示。

查尔斯•赫德质疑政府对制度改革（institutional reforms）的承诺，包括长期以来承诺的恢复地方政府选举。他援引公正党党章第21.7条文，支持其说法。

他说，这条文还为党主席提供其他的内部政治任命，包括目前由内政部长赛夫丁填补的党秘书长职位。

他指出，赛夫丁是委任上议员，而非民选国会议员。

削减党主席的专制权力

哈山进一步评论说，任命公正党州（党分部）主席的权力应该归还给州（党分部）的领导人。

他们可以在党的年度全国代表大会结束后进行内部秘密投票选出。

他强调“这项条款必须纳入公正党的新党章，以取代自1999年创党以来就存在的不民主规定。

 “这项修正案对于公正党成为一个公平和民主的政党以及削减党主席现在拥有的专制权力，是非常重要的。”

哈山说，“这将是公正党的一项改革，这是公正党25年来一直宣扬的‘Reformasi’口号。

“现在是做出改变的时候了，以让公正党变得更有活力、更受欢迎，并真正践行民主。”

5月26日（周日），公正党宣传主任法米•法兹（Fahmi Fadzil）宣布，由安华领导的该党中央理事会已更换多个州属的领导层。

沙巴、彭亨、柔佛、登嘉楼、吉兰丹和联邦直辖区的分会主席和代表发生了变动。

2022年，公正党在第15届全国大选之前举行党选后，安华将半岛的主要职位分配给党副主席拉菲兹•南利和副主席陈立康、努鲁依莎、聂·纳兹米和阿米努丁•哈伦和阿米鲁丁•沙里。

他还任命该党的根地咬主席桑卡•拉沙姆（Sangkar Rasam）为沙巴公正党主席，目前由实邦加国会议员穆斯塔法@莫哈末尤努斯•萨克穆德（Mohd Yunus Sakmud）以及律师罗兰•恩甘（Roland Engan）接替，后者被保留为砂拉越公正党主席。

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Justice for Teoh Beng Hock must include the prosecution and charging of the individual MACC officers who caused his death, and a disclosure of the TRUTH ——The joint statement by 56 civil society organizations on 24 March 2024

Justice for Teoh Beng Hock 

must include the prosecution and charging of the individual MACC officers who caused his death, and a disclosure of the TRUTH

——The joint statement by 56 civil society organizations on 24 March 2024

声明华文版 

Source: sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com

Click here to open the player and listen to the content

This statement was co-sponsored by the Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democracy Advancement (TBH-ADA) and the Malaysian Organization Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET) a few days ago, and was signed by several civil society groups and decided to publish it today (24 March is the "International Day for Right to Truth" promulgated by the United Nations). The joint statement call for transformational justice after the change of regime and seeking truth and justice for the Teoh Beng Hock's case.

The following is the full text of this statement and the list of groups participating in the signing (the picture above was added by the editor of Sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com )——

We, the undersigned groups and civil society organizations, express our grave concern that the perpetrators responsible for the wrongful death of Teoh Beng Hock, fifteen years after his death whilst in the custody of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), have yet to be prosecuted for the killing or matters related. Justice demands that those that committed crimes must be charged, accorded a fair trial, and if convicted be sentenced accordingly.

Teoh Beng Hock, was then the political aide to the Selangor State Executive Councilor and State Assemblyperson Ean Yong Hian Wah, from the Opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition that finally managed to win the 2008 State election defeating the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional (BN) government for the very first time, The BN, however retained power at the Federal Government.

In 2009, MACC, under the federal government, launched an investigation into 7 Selangor State assemblypersons from Pakatan Rakyat. Teoh Beng Hock was an aide of one of them. Many perceived the actions of MACC as a retaliation by the then BN government that lost the Selangor State elections.

Teoh Beng Hock was arrested and detained by the MACC on 15/7/2009, and he was then found dead at 1.30pm on 16/7/2009 on a ledge outside the window on the 5th Floor of Plaza Masalam, where the Selangor MACC office was on the 14th floor. He was allegedly dropped, pushed or fallen out of the 14th floor window and landed on the 5th floor ledge.

In 2011, the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) concluded that Teoh was “driven to suicide” or death due to aggressive interrogation methods deployed by MACC officers. It named three officers as playing a role in his death: Hishamuddin Hashim, and his junior officers Mohamad Anuar Ismail and Ashraf Mohd Yunus. This implied that the law had been broken, and possibly there was torture that may have caused death. The RCI, in our opinion, erred in suggesting that it was suicide.

The Coroner gave an open verdict, which was varied by the Court of Appeal on 5/9/2014 that ruled that Teoh’s death was accelerated and caused by one or more unknown persons, including MACC officers. The decisive evidence was that Teoh’s neck had a pre-fall injury.

On 12/5/2015, the civil suit brought by the late Teoh Beng Hock's family against the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), the Government and 12 others for negligence over his death was settled by the Defendants without the case going to full trial. The defendants agreed to pay the plaintiffs RM600,000 in damages, and High Court judge Justice Rosnaini Saub also instructed the defendants to pay costs of RM60,000. It is most likely that the Government only paid, and none of the other Defendants including the named MACC officers had to share in the burden of payment of damages and cost.

Transitional justice aims to provide recognition to victims, enhance the trust of individuals in State institutions, reinforce respect for human rights and promote the rule of law, as a step towards reconciliation and the prevention of new violations. Transitional justice has four pillars: 1) Truth seeking; 2) Prosecution; 3) Reparations; and 4) Institutional reforms.

Whilst the settlement in the Civil Suit on 12/5/2015 may have settled the question of reparations, the other pillars of transitional justice especially truth seeking and prosecution remains.

No one to date has yet to be charged and tried for the killing/death of Teoh Beng Hock, or other matters that broke the law including illegal interrogation practices and the deprivation of access to a lawyer of his choice. The perpetrator cannot be simply be ‘protected’ or dealt with ‘disciplinary actions’. Those who broke the law must be charged and tried in accordance to the law, and if convicted be sentenced justly.

Paying of compensation or damages, and allowing the actual perpetrators off scot free is not JUSTICE.

The 1st police investigation in 2009 did not result in anyone being charged and tried.

Another police investigation was commenced in 2014 after the Court of Appeal’s finding that the death was ‘caused by one or more unknown persons, including MACC officers’ also did result in any visible outcome.

When the Opposition Pakatan Harapan came into power after ousting the BN in the General Elections in 2018, the police commenced another investigation into the death. On 11 March 2024, in Parliament, Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution said the police had completed the investigation and submitted the report to the Attorney-General Chamber (AGC) in August 2023. Such delay in police investigation is not acceptable.

Almost 8 months have passed since police report has been submitted to the AGC, and no one has yet been charged in Court for the killing and/or related matters surrounding the extrajudicial killing of Teoh Beng Hock.

There is a lack of transparency as to what is happening, and simply no justification for the delays.

Therefore, we, the undersigned call for

1) The immediate charging and prosecution of all MACC Officers or others that killed and/or caused the death of Teoh Beng Hock;

2) The immediate charging and prosecution of all Officers that broke the law in their conduct of investigations, including possibly torture that may have caused the pre-fall injuries on Teoh Beng Hock’s neck;

3) The immediate disclosure of the full TRUTH of what happened that led to the death of Teoh Beng Hock,

4) Ensure the needed institutional reforms so that no one else will ever die in MACC’s custody or at MACC. CCTV in the entire MACC office/building is needed to protect suspect or witness rights and to deter wrongdoings of MACC officers. The right to immediate access to a lawyer of the suspects/witness’s choice must never be denied;

5) For a sincere apology be given to the family and friends of the late Teoh Beng Hock not just by the government and MACC, but also by the individual MACC officers responsible;

6)  Call on Malaysia to amend needed laws and practices to ensure that law enforcement complies with the law, and there is no more violation of suspect/witness’s rights in police or MACC’s custody. Death in custody must end.

7)  Call on Malaysia to ratify The Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

List of Endorsees :

 

1.  Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement (TBH-ADA) 赵明福民主促进会

2.  Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET) 马来西亚反对死刑和酷刑组织

3.  Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law (AKDL) initiative

4.  Agora Society 群议社

5.  Aliran

6.  Baramkini 当今峇南

7.  Beyond Borders Malaysia

8.  Building and Wood Workers International (BWI) Asia Pacific Regional Office

9.  Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC) 

10. Citizens Against Enforced Disappearances (CAGED)

11. Civil Rights Committee of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall 隆雪华堂民权委员会

12. Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH) 干净与公正选举联盟

13. Eliminating Deaths And Abuse In Custody Together (EDICT) 消除拘留所死亡虐待阵线

14. Empower

15. Freedom Film Network

16. G25 Malaysia

17. GERAK

18.  Happy Learning Books 學樂書苑

19. Hayat

20. Johor Yellow Flame 柔南黄色行动小组

21. Lightup Borneo

22. KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) 吉隆坡暨雪兰莪中华大会堂

23. Malaysia Muda

24. Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity (MAJU)

25. Mamas Bersih 净选盟母亲团  

26. Melaka Chinese Assembly Hall 马六甲中华大会堂

27. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN)

28. National Union of Transport Equipment & Allied Industries Workers (NUTEAIW)

29. Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall 森美兰中华大会堂 

30. New Era Power Alliance新院新时代力量联盟

31. New Generation of Universiti Malaya 馬大新世代

32. New Student Movement Alliance of Malaysia (NESA) 大马新学运联盟

33. North South Initiative

34. P320 Community Space (P320社区空间)

35. Pemuda Pertubuhan Penganut Dewa Heng Soon Kong Tai Bak Gong Senai Johor柔佛州士乃恒顺港大伯公庙青年团

36. Persatuan Amal Progresif

37. Persatuan Bertutur Bahasa Mandarin Malaysia 马来西亚讲华语运动

38. Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Selangor, KL & Perak 雪隆社区关怀协会

39. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor

40. Persatuan Siswazah-Siswazah Taiwan Cheng Kung Universiti, Malaysia馬來西亞留台成功大學校友會

41. Persatuan Tiong Hua Negeri Sembilan  森美兰华人益赛会

42. Persatuan Wanita Maju Selangor & Kuala Lumpur  雪隆妇女前进会

43. Pusat Komas

44. Rahman Solidarity League 拉曼团结联盟

45. Rahman Student League 拉曼学生联盟

46. Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee 人民之友工委会

47. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)

48. Sedarjat

49. Society for the Promotion of Human Rights（Proham）

50. Stateless.my

51. Student Progressive Front (SPF) 北方大学前进阵线

52. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 人民之声

53. Sunflower Electoral Education Movement(SEED) 向日葵选举教育运动

54. University of Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) 马大新青年

55. WH4C (Workers Hub For Change)

56. Youth Section of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall 隆雪华堂青年团

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林德宜《东方网》专栏评论：“昌明土著经济大会”是“新瓶装旧酒”吧 ？／ Madani Bumiputera Economic Congress： Same Old Stuff ？(By Lim Teck Ghee)

林德宜<东方网>专栏评论:

"昌明土著经济大会"

是"新瓶装旧酒"吧?

来源：orientaldaily.com.my/news/mingjia/2024/03/01/634197

点击此处打开播放器聆听本文内容

本文是我国知名公共政策分析学者林德宜2024年03月01日 07:40时分发表于《东方网》的专栏评论。原标题: 昌明土著经济大会： 新瓶旧酒？原文为英文，标题是：Madani Bumiputera Economic Congress: Same Old Stuff ? 全文见于文末。

这是作者针对团结政府的土著经济大会在《东方网》专栏，继上周的《安华能否重塑土著议程？》（Can PMX Reinvent the Bumiputera Construct?）一文之后发表的第二篇评论。全文如下（上图和文内小标题为《人民之友》编者所加）——

当我们看到马来领袖站出来，认同土著经济大会也应关注和探讨非土著面对的问题时，这是令人鼓舞的。依据巫统总秘书长阿斯拉夫说法，讨论提升土著权利并不会否定非土著权利，政府的目标是专注于制定有效战略，以强化其提升大多数人口，即土著议程的制定，从而“提升土著的尊严”。

由于许多参与者在1970年时还没出世，因此重新审视激发土著和非土著政策建构的新经济政策（NEP）目标，可以更好地评估这两方面所取得的进展。其还可以为国家领袖和政策制定者提供建议，在提高所有马来西亚人的“尊严”和福祉时，应重点关注的问题。

当年在大马远景计划1（1971-1990年）下设定了四个关键目标。这些领域在1970年土著份额为：

贫穷率 - 65%

股权（公司）- 2.4%

土著就业（按学历划分）

小学 - 66.2%

中学 - 12.1%

大专 - 21.7%

土著就业（依职业）

注册专业人士 - 29%

自此，政府官员和独立研究人员——土著和其他马来西亚人——一致认同社会结构重组目标已经实现。毫无疑问，新经济政策帮助土著社会的马来人实现了1970年设定的种族重组目标。事实上，马来人在一些关键领域，例如官联公司占主导地位的领域，取得了超额的成就。

受到较少关注，但更令人重视的政治和政策目标，即增加马来人，而不是整体土著，在高薪专业、技术、行政和管理职位中的份额。

NEP造就马来专业人员极大成功

为此，政府制定了一些重要政策措施和动用了纳税人钱，以提升马来人在一些理想职业中的占比——建筑师、会计师、医生、牙医、律师、测量师、兽医和工程师。新经济政策的这一部分取得了巨大成功。

1970年，土著从事这些职业的比例只有4.9%。相比之下，华裔的占比为61%，印裔为23.3%，其他族群为10.8%。

到了1990年新经济政策结束时，土著的比例已增加至29%。华裔占比为55.9%，印裔则是13.2%，其他族群为1.9%

如今，根据最新官方统计数据，在57万6412名注册专业人士中，土著人数为23万8853人（参见统计局于2023年12月19日发布的2023年土著统计数据）。土著专业人士中，马来人的比例可能高达90%或更高。

纵观过往纪录，土著议程建构注重于培养马来专业人才、高等教育毕业生数量以及公私部门就业提升下带动起来的马来中上阶层，这也是马来社会发展的动力。

这种种族倾向的发展速度和强度，在世界上是前所未见的。

这次大会应该讨论几个关键问题

这股在社会和经济重组中崛起的阶层，其能力和资源，能否在没有优惠政策下，为国家做出更大的贡献，这应该是本次大会讨论的一个关键议题。

另一个同样重要的主题是非马来土著相关的课题。非马来土著能否从社会与经济的种族重组结构中受益？

半岛原住民以及沙巴和砂拉越土著的一些领导人，尽管个人在土著政策下受益，但也一直对亲土著政策持批评态度。他们认为，现有土著政策下，他们只是门面装饰。他们日趋不满，尤其他们的族群无法得到犹如半岛马来人所享有的福利和援助。 

他们是否有实例？如果有，可以采取哪些措施来确保有弹性、可持续且代价较低的成果？

为了便于讨论，有必要在目前的统计资料和政策评估下，划分出三个目前不存在的类别：即马来土著、沙巴土著和砂拉越土著。这种精细的分类讨论，是关心公平竞争和社会正义的土著大会参与者不能缺失的。

大会须检讨土著特权的滥用状况

最后但同样重要的是，在土著经济大会中，应对土著特权的滥用，尤其从政策一开始落实之时，就出现的滥用情况进行讨论。土著特权滥用已屡见不鲜。

每当规则被当局扭曲时，自肥、机会主义、剥削、滥用的结果将是不可避免的。当建立两种或多种特权和权利时，严重的违规和不道德行为也将随之而来。

毫不惊讶，对于那些走捷径、插队、如从事贿赂、腐败和不诚实交易等不道德行为的人来说，特权队列中的回报是呈几何级数增长；甚至简单地透过使用地位、知道谁或如何，以及其他不那么可疑但依然合理的手段，也可取得权势和累积财富。

特权者劫取数千亿甚至数兆财富

著名学者奥扎伊罕默在1986年出版，之后于2011年重新再版的一本具有里程碑意义的著作《马来西亚的发展：贫穷、财富与托管》一书中指出，以下群体透过共谋、交易和其他非竞争形式，成为新经济政策和土著托管制下的主要受益者：

政治

官僚

军队

宗教

罕默在结论中指出：

这种制度的动态和结构，促进了一种非竞争体系，其中得利最大者是那些以权力进行勾结、以权谋私和寻租的人。

这群人透过合法和非合法手段在体制占据主导地位，并依然发挥作用。进而，劫取了国家财库的数千亿，甚至可能是数兆财富。

罕默的研究主要是在政治经济领域。但这模式依然可适用于社会其他方面，只要有特权的机制，精英或特定群体就可能以受托人和掌管者身份上下其手。

马来社会近来对特权分配出现争议

近来，马来社会也对特权分配出现了争议，即富裕有权势的家庭孩子，获得玛拉初级学院学位，剥夺了贫困家庭孩子的利益，这进一步凸显了改革马来西亚特权机制的必要。土著经济大会能否确保那些最需要、最值得、最有能力、最有成就的人，才是应获得政府在社会经济领域提供的一切资助——无论是扶贫、教育奖学金、大学学位、公务员职位等。

这又是否可以透过开放、完全透明和负责任的系统，使其适用于马来人和非马来人、土著和非土著。■ 

林德宜《昌明土著经济大会：新瓶旧酒？》原文：

Madani Bumiputera Economic 

Congress: Same Old Stuff?

By  Lim Teck Ghee

Source: orientaldaily.com.my/news/mingjia/2024/03/01/634197

Click here to open the player and listen to the content

It is encouraging to see Malay leaders come out to support the inclusion of non-bumiputera issues and concerns at the coming Bumiputera economic congress. According to UMNO secretary general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki discussing the elevation of bumiputera rights does not negate non-bumiputera rights with the government objective to focus on effectively strategizing to empower its agenda for the majority of the population thus “elevating its dignity”.

As many participants will not have been born in 1970, a revisit of the New Economic Policy (NEP) objectives that inspired the bumiputera and non bumiputera policy construct can provide a better assessment of the progress made on these two fronts. It can also provide ideas on what next the nation’s politicians and policy makers should focus on to elevate the “dignity” and well being of all Malaysians  

Four key targets were set for the country under OPP 1. These targets with the bumiputera share in 1970 were

Incidence of poverty - 65%    

Ownership of equity (corporate) - 2.4% 

Bumiputera employment by sector

Primary - 66.2%

Secondary - 12.1%

Tertiary - 21.7%

Bumiputera employment by occupation 

Membership of registered professionals - 29%

Since then government officials and independent researchers - Bumiputera and other Malaysians - agree that the racial restructuring targets for the different sectors have been achieved. There is no dispute that the NEP has helped the Malay component of the Bumiputera community attain the racial restructuring targets set in 1970. In fact Malays have overachieved in some key sectors such as  those in which the GLCs dominate.

Receiving less attention but an even more coveted political and policy target has been to increase the Malay - though not the Bumiputera - share of high paying professional, technical, administrative and managerial positions.

Some of the most important policy initiatives and taxpayers monies have gone to support the increase in the Malay share of desirable professions - architects, accountants, doctors, dentists, lawyers, surveyors, veterinary surgeons and engineers. This part of the NEP has had great success.

In 1970, Bumiputera share of these professions stood at 4.9%. In contrast Chinese share was 61%, Indian 23.3% and Other at 10.8%.

By 1990 at the end of the NEP, Bumiputera share had increased to 29%. Chinese share was 55.9%, Indian share 13.2% and Other, 1.9%

Today, according to the latest official statistics,  Bumiputeras number 238,853 of the 576,412 members of registered professions - (see Department of Statistics, Bumiputera Statistics 2023; released on 19 December 2023).  The Malay share of Bumiputera professionals is likely to be as high as 90% or more.

Learning from the Past

Looking at the past record, the Bumiputera construct with its emphasis on Malay professional manpower, higher education graduates and the growth of the Malay middle and upper class spurred by employment in both public and private sectors has been the driving force for the Malay community’s development. 

It is a development quite unprecedented in its speed and intensity amongst racially favoured communities in the world. 

Whether the abilities and resources of this newly arrived significant component of society and economy can be used for the larger national interest without favouring it with preferential policies should be a key subject in the Congress discussion.

An equally important subject is that related to other indigenous communities - that is the non-Malay component of the Bumiputera grouping. Can non-Malay indigenous natives benefit from racial restructuring of society and economy.  

Some leaders from the Orang Asli community in the Peninsula and Orang Asal from Sabah and Sarawak - despite having personally benefited - have been critical of the implementation of pro Bumiputera policies. They argue that inclusion of their communities in the Bumiputera construct has been for window dressing. There is increasing resentment that their marginalised communities have been excluded from the perks and assistance that Peninsular Malays have benefited from. 

Do they have a case and if yes, what can be done to ensure resilient, sustainable and less expensive outcomes?

To facilitate this discussion, it will be necessary to separate the current statistical data base and policy assessments into the three, for now, absent categories of Bumiputera Malay and Bumiputera Orang Asal Sabah and Bumiputera Orang Asal Sarawak. This refined classification is the missing component that participants in the Congress who are concerned about fair play and social justice will need to make their case.

Trusteeship Capturing the Spoils of Bumiputerism 

Last but not least in importance in the forthcoming Congress discussion is the fact that abuse of Bumiputera privilege began as soon as the policy came into effect. This should be no surprise.

Self enriching, opportunistic, exploitative, abusive outcomes are inevitable any time a queue is established and the rules of the game are skewed by the queue authorities. Greater irregularities and unscrupulous practices can be expected when two or more queues of privilege and entitlement are established. Unsurprisingly too, the rewards in a privileged queue will increase in geometric progression for those willing to cut corners, jump the queue, engage in unscrupulous practice including bribery, corruption and dishonest dealings; or even simply through using status, know who or how-ism and other less dodgy but still justified as in line and acceptable strategies of position advancement and wealth acquisition.

Ozay Mehmet in a landmark book published in 1986 and subsequently republished in 2011 as Development in Malaysia: Poverty, Wealth and Trusteeship,  identified the following groups as key beneficiaries of the NEP and Bumiputera trusteeship through collusion, transaction costs and other non competitive forms:

Political

Bureaucratic

Military

Religious 

Mehmet’s conclusion:

The system’s very dynamics and structure promotes a non-competitive system in which the greatest benefits accrue to those with power to exercise collusion, influence peddling and rent seeking.

These groups and their dominance of the system through legal and less legal means are still actively at work. Hence the hundreds of billions of ringgit, possibly trillions, extracted or hijacked from our Treasury.

 

Mehmet’s findings related to the workings of the political economy. But it can be seen to apply to other sectors of the society any time a queue is set up, and where elite or other group capture is likely with the connivance of the trustees and gatekeepers.

The recent controversy in the Malay community on the privileged access of the children of well to do parents to highly sought for places in MARA junior colleges at the expense of children from poorer families further puts the spotlight on the need to reform the Malaysian trusteeship system. Can the Congress help ensure that those in greatest need, the most deserving, the most competent, the most accomplished are recipients of whatever is to be funded by the government in the socio economy - whether this is in poverty alleviation, educational scholarship, university places, civil service positions, etc.

And can this be made applicable to Malays and non-Malays, Bumiputera and non-Bumiputera through open, fully transparent and accountable systems. ■ 

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Expressing Our Concern About the Unrevealed Unjust Death of Teoh Beng Hock on Chap Goh Mei in The Year of Loong

 Expressing Our Concern About the 

Unrevealed Unjust Death of Teoh Beng Hock

on Chap Goh Mei in The Year of Loong

[ Photos ]

中文版

Source：https://sahabatrakyatmy.pages.dev/

Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee delegated 6 representatives (from right: Choo Shinn Chei, Cheng Lee Whee, Ngo Jian Yee, Tan Sin (Chen Xin@Tan Seng Hin), Ang Pei Shan and Choo Shinn Chien) who arrived at the Democratic Action Party (DAP) Headquarters in Pudu before 11am on 24 February 2024 to support the righteous action of the Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement to pursue the truth of Teoh Beng Hock’s unjust death. A “5-Point Statement” was also distributed to the media at the scene, expressing our support to grill Anwar and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) on the truth behind Teoh Beng Hock`s unjust death.

Before leading his delegation to the DAP Headquarters office for Chinese New Year visit and petitioning, Ng Yap Hwa, chairperson of the Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement, delivered a brief speech to the attendees and the media.

After paying DAP leader a Chinese New Year visit and petitioning, Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement delegation took a group photo with the Sahabat Rakyat delegation at the parking lot outside DAP Headquarters. From the right are Choo Shin Chien, Tong Wai Yee, Koong Hui Yein, Ang Pei Shan, Ng Yap Hwa, Tan Sin (Chen Xin@Tan Seng Hin), Wong Yew Lee, Choo Shinn Chei, Jacky and Kenneth Cheng.

After the 6 delegates of Sahabat Rakyat finished supporting Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement’s action of paying DAP Chinese New Year visit and petitioning, we attended the appointment made with the renowned scholar Lim Teck Ghee (3rd from the right in the picture above), at the coffee shop in YMCA Kuala Lumpur. We had a cordial view exchange session on some topics he has been writing in his columns. Ng Yap Hwa (2nd from right), chairperson of Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement also joined the meetup.

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